sample masters thesis dealing with singing

racism and hate crimes essay

This site uses cookies to ensure you get the best experience on our website. To learn more visit our Privacy Policy. Cover letter filetype doc, you might want to jump right into our resume builder and have your resume and cover letter ready in a snap. Want to write your cover letter fast? Use our cover letter builder. See actionable examples and get expert tips along the way. Create your cover letter now.

Sample masters thesis dealing with singing the great gatsby study guide chapter 6-9

Sample masters thesis dealing with singing

Group entrainment is examined through the lenses of a number of disciplines throughout the thesis: ethnography, ethnomusicology, sociology, animal behaviour, complex systems theory, and psychology. After the initial ethnographic survey Chs. The various disciplinary perspectives discussed in previous chapters then provide the basis for an empirical field study in Ch.

The study investigates how these choristers are able to start in synchrony with each other, looking particularly at the role of gesture and metrical perception. I find that no single mode of communication or perception offers an explanation for the precision of onset synchrony on its own, and therefore conclude that group onset synchrony must depend on a combination of many factors. This thesis moves the study of entrainment further by discussing ways in which we can think about and investigate group, as opposed to dyadic joint , entrainment.

It also shows the importance of combining the insights of both anthropological and scientific approaches when investigating group entrainment. Vocal Onset Synchrony 8. Which is easier: a fast or slow tempo? Are they part of a hierarchy? One can talk universally in this way because singing, whether done individually or as part of a group, seems to occur in almost all human societies on this planet Lomax, ; see also Nettl, If one accepts that most forms of group singing require at least a modicum of interactional unity or synchrony between the group of singers then it follows that some degree of entrainment is almost certainly operational, even if the goal of the music is not perfect synchrony.

Chanting and singing in general seems possible for all humans too; it can be practiced by both males and females of all ages. As Ch. Chanting also seems to fulfil important social functions in the annual calendar for many societies. Chanting is a means of having autonomy and power for the community in Polynesia Moulin, , whereas in other cultures it can manifest violence, such as war chants etc.

Over the course of Chs. Thus, my aim in this survey is to develop a meta-anthropological account of singing and chanting traditions that looks at how chanting is a part of, and even creates, many aspects of social life. The rest of the thesis, Chs. But now, in Ch. Next I will define speech, chant and song, given that these are terms that will distinguish between different kinds of vocalisation throughout the thesis.

The broad ethnographical survey in Chs. The level of active participation varies between different music-making contexts and therefore I next define the distinction between participatory and presentational music-making, exploring the tension inherent in the use of these terms with reference to Gregorian chant, the subject of the empirical field study in Ch.

Finally, I define what I mean by ritual, given that Gregorian chant, and communal singing in general, often occurs within the context of ritual. Synchrony is thus a limit case of temporal coordination, and therefore it needs to be placed in the broader context of entrainment. The following discussion attempts to define entrainment for the purposes of this thesis. In order for interaction to take place some form of coupling must exist between the rhythmical systems, and this too can take many forms.

As the quote explains, the two or more independent rhythmical systems must be able to mutually influence each other for entrainment to occur, which is achieved by coupling between the systems Himberg, However, the precise nature of the coupling between independent rhythmical systems is not defined by entrainment theory Will, The kind of coupling observed has to be identified on a case-by-case basis, and precise identification may involve inter- disciplinary collaboration e.

However, it might be confusing to discuss entrainment at these different temporal levels, even though they are arguably relevant, and therefore this thesis will focus mainly on the level of the pulse msec Van Noorden, pers.

Whilst rhythmical processes are continuous they often have some sort of reference point; e. When examining phase relationships between two people walking next to each other, for example, the footstrike of one of the pair would constitute a possible reference point.

Therefore, if the whole cycle of footfall was 0. An example of a process that exhibits perfect stationarity is the ticking of an unchanging timekeeper such as a metronome. Apart from forms of music-making that exhibit highly-regular periodicity, most real-life human interaction contexts lack stationarity and therefore cannot be analysed by these statistical methods. However, relationships between independent rhythmic sources that are error- prone still count as genuine entrainment behaviour if they satisfy two conditions: [i] the relative phase relationship must be stable, and [ii] if the relationship is disrupted then re-stabilisation of the previous phase relationship occurs Clayton, However, the more complex the polyrhythm, the less stable the entrainment will be Himberg, The second aspect of entrainment is that metrical percepts can emerge from auditory stimuli Clayton, ; see Chs.

Thirdly, entrainment can involve independent rhythms that have matching periods, but which are out-of-phase; e. Fourthly, entrainment can be symmetrical—i. Thus, musical entrainment can fall anywhere on the symmetrical-asymmetrical continuum, and we will look more closely at the influence of social power relationships on the symmetry of entrainment in Chs.

To complete this general definition of entrainment, Clayton Ibid. All three forms of entrainment behaviour are relevant in the context of this thesis, but the main focus will be on intra-group entrainment. The case study in Ch. These three categories, speech, chant, and song would seem to be distinguished around the world, and are therefore worth examination see also List, Furthermore, whilst conversational speech is, broadly-speaking, not periodic, other speech registers can show periodicity see Knight, Intermediate forms of communication in between speech and song also exist in ostensibly musical contexts; for example, operatic recitative see Aroui, ; App.

Furthermore, empirical findings suggest that spoken prosody influences musical culture Patel et al. It is arguable that syllable durations in singing can be said to be longer than syllable durations in speech, due to the need to sustain vowel sounds, but of course a song with a very fast tempo might create shorter vowel sounds than speech. Therefore the measurement of syllable duration in itself is not adequate to distinguish between song and speech, but the hierarchical relationships between syllable durations may be.

Metre in music has usually been conceptualised in terms of the hierarchical organisation of its beats strong vs. The practice of setting linguistic texts to music in songs, chants etc. However, because the linguistic grid is typically subordinate to the musical grid, this process of alignment often changes the natural speech rhythm considerably Ibid. Having said that, some chanting traditions prioritise the speech rhythm which can lead to an irregular pulse see Ch. Similarly, the Kalapalo people of Amazonia do not know the meaning of the stories in their songs, even though they may know the words off by heart; i.

In a similar vein, many Western ritual chants are performed in archaic languages which are not always intelligible to performers or listeners, such as Gregorian Chant, which is performed in Latin Purce, pers. Of course, on the other hand, many singing or chanting traditions involve text that is based on conventional patterns of vocables understood to be meaningful.

It is also difficult to distinguish between speech, chant, and song in terms of melody, given that speech can have a distinct melodic component e. In short, it is difficult to find characteristics that distinguish between speech and song reliably and universally for all cultures. Regular periodicity is, however, a feature of many forms of singing and may perhaps be the characteristic that most reliably distinguishes singing from speech, but even this is not a totally reliable criterion for categorisation e.

Nevertheless, I will distinguish chant or song from speech by the presence of regular periodicity within its performance. The above conclusion still leaves the problem of distinguishing chant from song. However, if one takes the Western and Eastern examples of Gregorian Chant and Buddhist Mantric Chant, then chanting can be characterised as differing from song in a few main respects, and even though the following polythetic definition of chant is not sufficient to make a clear distinction between song and chant across all cultures, it will nonetheless suffice for the purposes of this thesis.

Chant, as opposed to song, exhibits a high degree of repetition in either melodic, rhythmic, or textual parameters, or a combination of each. Chanting can often consist of a single phrase repeated over and over again. It can be metrically simple, sometimes isosyllabic i.

Having said that, none of [i]-[iii] are defining characteristics of chant. Aside from the sacred contexts in which chant features, chanting also occurs in many different social contexts such as school and playground games, taunting, sports events, political rallies or protests, marches and other occasions when a group of people want to sing the same words at the same time Dresher, ; Liberman, ; App.

As these examples show, chants can be quite varied melodically or rhythmically—ranging from the songs of football matches to the call- and-response recitations of political rallies—but all contain strong degrees of repetition Dresher, Therefore, the overall defining characteristic of chant as opposed to song is that it exhibits a particularly high degree of repetition within its structure, either melodically, rhythmically, or textually.

However, the exact degree of repetition required to distinguish it from song is not clear, and therefore each particular instance would also need to be contextualised within its wider cultural context. This ethnographic survey is focused on chanting and other communal singing traditions and the various examples used will fall into different categories of musical cultures; e. Indeed, Slobin has argued that cultural analysis has often ignored the reciprocity between the various types of musics, possibly because doing so may blur the categories Ibid.

Having said that, in the interest of gaining as full and rounded a picture as possible, I will use quotes from prominent performing musicians that result from wide-ranging surveys of a regional or transregional culture; e. This is particularly relevant to the present survey when one considers a group of people making music, because they, their music, and the ritual which often frames their activity are all shaped by a complex interaction of these various components of culture.

For example, even though chanting is often associated with highly ritualised or religious forms of performance that are resistant to outside influence Moore, , any form of musical practice is subject to the dynamic web of cultural interactions that Slobin and Bashkow highlight. These extra-musical cultural interactions can often provide further insight into the nature and purpose of the musical culture itself see Ch.

In ethnomusicology, form pitch structure, rhythms etc. Furthermore, exploring function allows interpretations to be situated within both wider cultural practices and generic biologically-based, or even evolutionary, sets of constraints. The ethnographical approach I am taking here is perhaps unusual in that it is ultimately searching for regularities rather than variation. Some studies represent exceptions to this general approach of ethnomusicology, by making universal distinctions; e.

Turino and Lomax could be said to be distinguishing between two poles of a continuum that applies to all cultures. We will now discuss their work in more detail. Thomas Turino, in his book Music as Social Life: The Politics of Participation, has created a theory that separates music-making across the globe into two main forms: participatory and presentational.

These formal musical characteristics should be read only as a general guideline, however, because the music-making of some participatory traditions may involve greater complexity. For example, in Prespa weddings, there are established procedures for the more experienced singers to help the less experienced, so that people of all ages and abilities can perform, as they are expected to Ibid. Sugarman, If a less experienced singer sings a solo but it is clear that she needs help then more experienced singers will accompany her, and this is fine because the tradition stipulates that everyone sings a solo at some point during the proceedings, which reduces any potential embarrassment Ibid.

Turino refers to this form of compulsory participation which involves every individual in a group taking part one by one, rather than simultaneously, as sequential participation. For these reasons Turino Ibid. These ensure that the start and end of the piece are not clearly defined; i. However, joining in is usually not appropriate in a presentational context, and it is this convention that tends to define presentational performance.

The principal case study of this thesis is Gregorian psalmody, which is a form of Gregorian chant where the biblical psalm texts are set to fixed melodic formulas known as psalm tones Chen, ; see also Ch. Nowadays, the congregational forms of Gregorian chant sung by everyone tend to be simpler, and feature less frequently in services than those sung by the choir and soloists.

The majority of the performance of Gregorian chant thus represents a typical presentational configuration—a select group performing, with others only listening. In , Pope Pius X set forth new regulations in his motu proprio, Tra le sollecitudini, for the nature of musical participation in the Roman Catholic Church. Some of these are relevant to our discussion about the interaction between participatory and presentational values: 2.

However, in order for the text to be heard and understood, as per 9 , everyone participating would need to chant the text at the same time, but this would discourage people from making mistakes without fear of exposure, thus creating performance conditions that are not conducive to participation. In the Catholic services I am familiar with, the choir are usually highly trained and, as mentioned above, do most of the singing in a service; whereas the congregation occasionally sing short and simple melodic phrases in Latin as responses to the priest as a very small percentage of the total music-making in the service.

This is still the case in spite of the regulations above that promote more active participation. However, as Jeffery points out, research relating to this tension between participation and presentation in the history of Christian liturgical music is lacking. Therefore, in conclusion, I would suggest that some forms of Gregorian chant can be regarded as participatory e. At some moments in a service there may also be a mix of participatory and presentational elements e.

Gregorian chanting is thus a confusing mix of both participatory and presentational elements; although on balance it is perhaps presentational, given the minimal congregational participation. Therefore, perhaps participation and presentation should be seen as two poles on a continuum, and that different genres of music-making even within the same musical tradition may occupy different positions along that continuum e. I will use the participatory vs.

The communal singing activities I refer to in Chs. Its medium is part of its message. Thus, communities can create their continuity by resonating with the memory of their collective past through public commitment to highly-ordered ritual performance.

Similarly, in the case of rituals which involve communal singing, the singing itself is often governed by its own complex set of formal musical and linguistic properties that need to be adhered to, nested with the complexity of the ritual as a whole. However, although the form of ritual is a defining feature I will be focusing on the way that the functional aspects of the ritual relate to the group singing itself.

Rituals are usually based around a common activity through time, and often involve actions that are performed at specific moments in the ritual; an aspect that is particularly relevant for this thesis, which is concerned with the structuring of time. Furthermore, rituals can involve communal singing or chanting, which intensifies their relationship with time because in music-making people are often required to act and sound in time with each other to a high degree of precision or at least more precise than non-musical activities in the majority of cases.

Rituals recreate society by reaffirming communally-shared ways of interacting; ritual may also create society through the powerful revitalising force of ritual that may lead to changes to those shared ways of interacting see Ch. Ritual may thus also change relationships between individuals, as well as affirm the community as a whole.

Another key function of rituals or ceremonies is to gather communities to witness an event, especially in rituals where members of the community are going from one state to another, e. By witnessing the couple becoming married, their extended community can affirm them in their new state of being married, which can often be difficult to maintain due to force of habit associated with their previous state of being unmarried Purce, Ibid. Demarcating the centre of a ritual is usually achieved by significant persons moving towards the centre and then coming to rest at the centre, or by aspiring to the centre by spiralling or circling around it; e.

However, this thesis is more concerned with temporal, rather than spatial aspects of ritual but see Widdess, , and Ch. A ritual is thus an evolving organism even though, in order to keep its identity, ritual performance tends to be more conservative than creative see Ch. Therefore, one of the structural aspects of musical behaviour that lends itself to ritual is its high degree of repetition see Ch.

Collective rituals are powerful because they can serve to maintain any changes to social structure as a consequence of the community continuing to affirm whatever is witnessed in the ritual Purce, pers. This is of critical importance to the maintenance of a community as it moves through the cycle of life—for example, members joining birth and leaving death —and all of the changes and destabilisation which such events bring. Rituals may also allow for the community to relate to the wider environment and cosmos, and anything that it holds sacred.

In defining entrainment, concepts such as coupling, phase, period, and symmetrical power relationships were also defined because they will be discussed in the following chapters. Second, I attempted to draw a distinction between song and speech, but found it difficult to distinguish characteristics that work reliably and universally for all cultures.

The most reliable distinguishing characteristic is regular periodicity, which occurs significantly more in song than in speech, but not in every case. However, it is difficult to define the precise degree of repetition required for a style of singing to be called chant, because each particular instance would need to be contextualised within its cultural context.

In the next few chapters I reveal aspects of function and form in singing traditions that seem to apply to many different cultures. The primary goal of participatory performance is to involve as many people as possible in a performing role, and presentational performance usually involves a select performing group providing music for a non- performing audience.

Therefore, it may not always be possible to definitively categorise a tradition as either participatory or presentational. Finally, ritual was defined as an often communal activity that conforms to, and maintains a shared code of ordered behaviour, and can often involve a community witnessing a transformative or affirmative event, e. In the next chapter, I turn to an exploration of the various social, religious, and natural functions of many traditions across the world that involve communal singing.

I am interested in what is common to all of them, and what makes them different. From a musical point of view, this has two effects. Second, new musical aspects emerge, such as when a melody is put in counterpoint with another melody and the harmonic and rhythmic structure changes Ibid. The phenomenon of music-making itself therefore provides a strong analogy for certain core aspects of worshipful devotion Sloboda, Thus, for the Aka, the singing is the worship and although this is an extreme example, most religious traditions involve communal singing to different degrees.

Seeger Ibid. There can also be a specifically musical aspect to the merging of the individual with the group. In many different contexts, music-making in a group can therefore smooth the transition from acting for oneself to acting on behalf of others.

Thus, music-making that prioritises participation seems to involve a tradeoff: the loss of individual creative freedom is accompanied by the benefits of being part of a community. As we have seen in several geographically-distinct musical contexts, collective participation is prioritised over individual expression even though individual virtuosity can be a marker of group membership too.

Music and dance, through their structuring capacity, can render as copresent and mutually consistent those dimensions of experience that might appear as distinct, opposed, even contradictory, from the rational perspective of the everyday world. The idea here is that if all participants are aligned with the same temporal structure then all of their individual actions relate to a cohesive whole.

We are all likely to feel most strongly at the same point, even if the precise colour of our feelings differ from one to another. Nevertheless, there is likely to be an interaction between emotional response and subjective perception e. For Turino the sounds of music-making continually let those present know whether they are achieving commonality and communality.

Yet, having said that, without structuring sounds through time, aspects such as melody, harmony and form would not be possible, and thus time is a fundamental element of music- making. In approaching the object of worship we are approaching that which is at the limits of our apprehension. And yet, neither the object of worship nor the activity of worship is alien to us.

Because it is the subject of the case study of Ch. It is also fair to assume that this particular set of features associated with Catholic ceremonies can be observed to varying degrees in many other ceremonial traditions discussed in this chapter. Gregorian chant is a Western example, but, as the next section shows, similar conclusions can be drawn about musical worship in Africa and Amazonia. Furthermore, McNeill refers to how in the Indian yoga traditions, the most common way to seek communion with the ineffable—more common than other traditional methods, such as fasting, breath control or drugs like hashish—is to chant for hours on end.

Scholars have argued that, in these cultures, music is thought to form connections with the natural world see also Bateson, a. This is done using percussion, polyphonic singing and dancing…As their bodies intertwine, so too do their voices - singing out different melodic lines that overlay each other to constitute the polyphonic song. Like each creature of the forest, each melodic line is different, has its own period, and combines itself with other melodic lines, some with different periods.

These examples show that through collective singing humans believe they are able to communicate with both themselves and other dimensions and aspects of their environment. A person whose spirit was with the bees could only teach bee songs, with the same going for birds, fish, plants etc. Hence, the belief in music as a way of asking for help from spirits extends the range of potential human needs that music- making can fulfil. For example, Seeger Ibid. It is common across the world for fundamental elements such as water and earth to be the subject of genres of songs composed and performed specifically for receiving rain and good harvest, and for protection against storms and droughts.

Therefore, for some societies, music perhaps fulfils the most fundamental need of all: survival. For example, communal singing can increase positive affect and reduce stress Beck et al. There are many traditions to choose from in order to explore individual functions of singing and chanting, but I have limited the discussion here to Christian rosary chanting and Buddhist mantra chanting because in both religions chanting practice can be an intensely personal pursuit.

Chanting, as opposed to other forms of music, is often melodically and rhythmically simple, and repetitive enough for any individual to perform themselves. Furthermore, most people have the use of their voice for their whole lives and therefore chant is a readily accessible means of music-making. This higher purpose may refer to either conspicuous or inconspicuous personal benefits. Interestingly, there seems to be an historical link between these two geographically and culturally distinct practices; i.

In summary, individuals gain different benefits from chanting and with it can meet diverse needs, such as emotional, physiological, social, existential, and spiritual needs see Chong, So why is it that many forms of sacred chanting not only involve an effable text of some sort but often prioritise the text in the act of worship?

Indeed, the primary importance of text is common to many chanting traditions around the world. Qureshi describes tarannum as essentially a linguistic communication, and the performance of tarannum is more like spoken recitation than music; for example, chanting would never stop for the sake of the tune, only for the words Ibid.

In a similar way, but with less extreme implications for performance, many other religious traditions believe that their sacred texts come from a divine source. Gregorian chant is another tradition that prioritises text over music, but to varying degrees depending on which texts are being chanted. According to Hiley there are four basic categories of Catholic chant. This has the effect of making chant sacred, by setting it apart from the drama of everyday speech Ibid.

Due to their variability, melodic formulae within this category can be associated exclusively with specific portions of liturgical text, as opposed to, for example, a psalm tone—a single melodic formula—which is used for multiple psalm texts for more detail, see Ch. However, Hiley Ibid. The sacred sound is more important than the sense…It is important to understand that the Latin texts are not being presented to an audience as a story-teller might address a group of listeners.

For millennia, a considerable portion of the Brahman cast of the Indian subcontinent has devoted its intellectual resources to the syllable-perfect memorisation and correct recitation of this textual corpus and the preservation of the many rituals in the course of which it is recited.

Such practices are not confined to civilisations such as the Vedic: hunter-gatherer cultures such as those of the Australian aborigines feature the memorised transmission of a corpus of sacred songs, rituals and associated objects and myths. The fact that ritual cultures around the world place so much importance on text, and go to such lengths to memorise these texts would suggest that the text of a chant, not just the music, is clearly central to its function.

However, even in many codified religious traditions it is not always clear what function the text of a chant serves. Perhaps the function is that listeners can gain teachings from comprehending the text, or that communities can restate their collective identities and traditions; on the other hand, it is also common for chanting traditions to use a language that most participants cannot understand.

Many singing communities around the world sing either nonsense syllables or in archaic languages. But a religious community performed the liturgy in the manner including the language established as the right way for praise and commemoration. The religious community did this both for itself and on behalf of the rest of mankind, for those who had mundane occupations and no time for praise and commemoration but who needed to know that the religious were acting for them, in the proper manner.

Sanskrit in Buddhist chant. Purce has suggested to me that the incomprehensibility of the text also has the effect of allowing practitioners to avoid focusing on comprehending the texts, thus making them better able to receive their deeper teaching; i. In summary, it is difficult to say exactly how chanters and listeners actually experience the texts associated with the chanting traditions described in this section.

I suspect that in each instance, no matter what the religious interpretation is concerning the importance of text, performers and listeners respond to chant on many levels, some on a textual or semantic level and some on an experiential level. Indeed, sometimes these various aspects may be integrated; for example, a couple of choristers I interviewed thought that different aspects of Gregorian chant, such as textual meaning and the experience of spiritual communion were interwoven.

Indeed, many are far from sacred, and can be used for aggressive goals. A football chant, therefore, is well-placed to unite a group of supporters against the opposing side both the opposing team and its supporters.

Indeed, the footballchants. In , the European explorer Tasman and his ship came across Maoris on a distant shore who were making music at them. The Dutch responded with their own music in a sustained exchange and proceeded to row out unarmed to meet these friendly, music-making peoples. Unfortunately for them, this particular form of Maori music- making was actually an invitation to fight, and four of the seven unarmed Dutch rowers were killed—the other three swam back to the mother ship Lodge, 7; App.

The entire community attends this meeting, and the two adversaries take turns in singing derisive songs at each other, accompanied by mocking gestures. The man whose songs best drive home his point, according to the consensus of public opinion, wins the fight. There are rarely any further antagonistic incidents.

One stipulation is that the songs are improvised; although, partial preparation may occur. These song contests are real, and can seriously affect the lives of the individuals concerned. In summary, therefore, singing and chanting can be used offensively and defensively in groups, and also as a means of legal mediation between individuals within a group context.

This experience is usually most intense in participatory contexts, due to the fact that as many individuals as possible that are present are encouraged to make a personal contribution to the music-making of the group. Certain ritual traditions also employ group singing to communicate with the natural world around them, the spiritworld, and the cosmos—sometimes in a polyphonic way to mirror the multiple voices of the forest, for example—or to make appeals to spirits in other dimensions to heal sickness, feed the hungry, and even to ensure survival.

As well as being nested within a larger ecology, an individual can also chant specifically to bring health and psychological benefits to themselves as individuals— both through through practice on their own, and chanting with others. The simplicity associated with chant can allow individuals who are less confident with more elaborate singing to make their own sounds, which can be a positive experience for that individual, regardless of whether they are singing in a group or not—although singing in a group can often facilitate a positive sense of belonging to a group.

Singing, chanting, and music-making in general, can also make people aware of the ineffable—in particular, when archaic, non-vernacular, and nonsense languages are being sung or chanted. However, this does not necessarily mean that the sacred text of a chant is less important than the music. Indeed, some traditions believe that the power of the chant cannot be separated from the words, which is even the case for chant in archaic languages.

In many cases, it was not always clear—despite the amount of space given in the literature on chanting traditions to their texts—what function the text of a chant serves, even with established, codified religious traditions such as Christianity and Islam. This was because most of the literature reviewed was not concerned directly with identifying the general functions of chant. Nevertheless, I concluded that the function of a sacred chant text might be a combination of participants gaining teachings from what the text means and that communities can restate their collective beliefs, creeds, identities, and traditions through ritual texts.

More generally, it is likely that listeners respond subjectively to chant in many ways, either on textual, semantic, or experiential levels or combinations of these. Of course, even though individuals may respond to chant in individual ways, in group chanting the fact that they still have to coordinate their movements and sounds with each other means that on some level they are taken beyond their own subjective experience.

It can also be used to resolve conflict between members of a community. Therefore, chanting is not an inherently good or bad practice—what makes it one or the other is the intention of those performing, or listening to, the chant. This chapter looked at the function of chant, the next will look more at its form, or rather, its temporal form.

This chapter is split into two related parts. The first part explores how entrained actions lead to entrained feelings in groups of people. I do this by reviewing experimental evidence regarding the relationship between synchronous performance and social behaviour. I then examine the role that repetition plays in making synchronous performance possible. Following that, I discuss the differing impact of participatory and presentational music-making on the process of entrainment, and how cultures entrain in different ways, and display different rhythmic profiles of their body movements.

The second part will attempt to define the cross-cultural similarities and differences between metre and rhythm. First, I give a basic definition of what metre and rhythm are. Second, I describe how various cultural examples complicate this distinction. Durkheim suggests in the above quote that common action is related to social conformity.

Fischer et al. To measure the effects of rituals on self-reported prosociality they applied standard psychometric scales both before and after ritual activities, and to measure observable prosocial effects of rituals on cooperative behaviours participants took part in a public goods game after ritual activities Ibid.

More specifically, they found that the highest ratings of entitativity merging self within group , trust, sacred values, and prosocial behaviour i. A different laboratory study by Reddish et al. What is interesting here is that prosociality is not only associated with those whom one has been acting in synchrony, it also affects other people that one comes into contact with after the activity has finished, who had had nothing to do with the synchronous activity. For example, Nettl describes how repetition is present in the music of every known human culture Margulis, By contrast, on the whole, speech exhibits much less repetition than music Ibid.

Of course, different registers of speech are repetitive to varying degrees—e. One of the most common features of chant across cultures is its repetitive nature. In a given ritual the same tune is often used for large portions of text, split up into manageable chunks that roughly fit the tune, and sometimes the same text and melody are repeated over and over e. Buddhist mantric chanting; App. Gregorian psalmody is one example of a tradition which splits up large swathes of text into bitesize chunks accompanied by the same simple melody; however, its rhythm is variable due to the different text and varying phrase length associated with each psalm verse see Ch.

Thus, rather than leading to boredom, participating in repetitive chanting practice can also lead to special forms of pleasure and experience, such as the examples of transcendent experience that were mentioned in Ch. One aspect of musical performance associated with many of these examples is the presence of repetitive rhythmic patterns. For example, in the context of the Balinese ritual described in Ch. Becker is keen to make the point that it is not necessarily the music that directly causes the trance or self-stabbing, given that many community members hear the music but do not go into trance Ibid.

In more general terms, Kramer describes how when one listens or participates in music which is constantly changing there is no guarantee that what you hear now has any relevance to what you might hear later and therefore one is required to have prior knowledge of the music, which would make joining in spontaneously very difficult for many people. To illustrate, if the tempo is in constant flux e. Of course, strictly speaking, one could also argue that however stable a tempo might be, each beat is executed by humans who exhibit ever changing degrees of variability from beat-to-beat, and therefore there is no such thing as an absolutely constant tempo see London, , on expressive timing.

This would make sense with regard to why it is that familiarity and recognition are often associated with pleasure. Furthermore, in addition to singing, chanting and music-making, ritual can elicit strong emotional responses, perhaps because it features unusually-high degrees of repetition, albeit on a different time scale to music Ibid.

The opposite conditions are likely to correlate with presentational performance, such as complexity of musical parameters and high specificity i. These are, of course, general guidelines that apply in the majority of cases, but not necessarily each particular case—e. Nevertheless, Lomax Ibid. Because the music and dance of participatory performances are not scripted in advance, participants have to pay special attention to the sounds and motions of others on a moment-to-moment basis…[for example] In a Shona ceremony, singers and dancers try to interlock their parts with the parts of those around them.

The relevant point here is that because participatory music-making is not scripted or notated, participants need to pay more attention than usual to what their fellow music-makers are doing in order to synchronise. This might explain on one level why participatory music is so bond-forming. This process of moving between periods of stability and instability is a characteristic feature of entrainment. We will return in later chapters to the themes of paying attention to others, and moving between stability and instability in entrainment.

Having said that, Toiviainen et al. Many of the gestures in Indian classical music are discrete, and the same is true for many other musical cultures for example, see Ch. By contrast, in other musical cultures visual gestures are needed less, because performers have continuous physical contact with each other through touch. The rest of this chapter will look at rhythmic and metrical organisation in various cultures from around the world.

My aim is to acknowledge cultural difference, but also show that that any differences that do exist are measured by degree, rather than kind, and that basic principles of metrical and temporal organisation are shared by the music and chant of all cultures. By showing this, I hope to be able to talk about entrainment and its social consequences as something that can be generalised across all cultures. In this section, I show that this base line can be understood as a kind of mental and sonic framework that repeats cyclically with which performers entrain.

Keeping this framework regular and cyclic is so important that it is often up to expert performers within the group to be time-keepers. Tempo is the rate of the pulse, i. However, this is not what is meant by metre. Therefore, the metrical hierarchy in this case has two levels, the pulse and the bar. There may also be additional levels above the measure e. Metre therefore refers to patterns of temporal invariance that manifest in our minds e.

Rhythm relates to the variable patterns of phenomenal aspects of sound i. Indeed, most people have this more general capacity, which is evident whenever we attend to the gallop of a horse, or the drip of a tap, or when we walk, run, and sing a simple tune Ibid. As we will see in the next section, it is this ability to latch onto similar events that occur at regular intervals that makes group singing possible, at least for the majority of singing traditions.

First, Central African musical traditions are suggested to exhibit isoperiodic organisation, which means that only one metrical level exists, the isochronous pulse or tactus. Chanting is another example of a musical activity that shows ambiguous temporal organisation. It is often described by scholars either in terms of some basic form of metrical organisation, or in terms of speech rhythm, which is usually not periodic. However, speech rhythm itself varies from person to person, and, similarly, the same text can often be performed in a number of rhythmic styles Frigyesi, Furthermore, chanting is rarely done in relation to speech rhythm alone without any reference to some form of stylistic convention Ibid.

Even so, Cummins , has shown that joint speech entrainment between two people speaking the same text at the same time is possible even when the periodicity of their speech may not be consistent, and therefore one might presume the same is possible for chanting too see Ch. For example, the Commemoratio brevis, an important source c.

Gregorian chant performance was organised by a simple binary metre Bailey, ; quoted in Hiley, This interpretation is less rhythmically regular than the mensuralist approach. Nevertheless, a variety of notational markings in modern chant books that embody this interpretation guide the specific interpretation of the speech rhythm Ibid. However, in terms of exact duration, I would argue that these markings act more as a guide than a prescription, thus allowing chant performance to be idiosyncratic and faithful to the speech rhythm of each different Latin verse.

None of the scholars involved in this debate give anything more than a vague description of the regularity or irregularity of pulse in the chant; although, it is still possible for a group to sing chant in synchrony even with an irregular pulse see Chs. The case study of Ch. He also describes how the drum beats that accompany the Gyantse form of Tibetan Buddhist chanting are not of a regular pulse.

By contrast, songs with texts relating to power and fear are often chanted in strict metre and rhythm. Nevertheless, a lack of strictness seems to be the default. Another example of a singing tradition which is not metrically regular is Corsican paghjella singing App.

This beat is unlikely to be metrical in the strict sense given that the songs are unmeasured, and it is also unclear to what degree the beat is periodic given the desire for rhythmic dynamism in Corsican singing Ibid. The requirement for sung rhythm to at least approximate the irregularity of periodicity in speech seems to be an aspect of other singing traditions too. It is worth noting that the majority of these genres refer to solo performance Clayton, This is relevant because in solo performance singers can afford to be more variable in their timing because they do not have to coordinate with others, whereas group performance places more demands for periodicity because of the need for coordination.

Therefore, in summary, there seems to be confusion as to how much periodicity is exhibited in the above examples of singing and chanting traditions, and also, consequently, whether they are metrical or not. This intermediate ground is observed particularly in chant traditions in which chanting to the rhythm of speech is encouraged, which in religious traditions might be due to the need to honour sacred texts.

The majority of the studies referred to in this section make claims that are not the result of empirical research on durational patterning in chant performance, and therefore in Ch. Of course, there may be more genres in the literature that have not been explicitly identified as non-periodic Ibid.

At the other extreme, Widdess has demonstrated that music can be founded on a consistent pulse, and yet nevertheless appear to be completely unpulsed Clayton, These findings would suggest that the presence of either an objective or subjective pulse is crucial to making and engaging with music.

Given that so many other aspects of our behaviour are governed by beat-based mechanisms e. Foolishly or not, this discussion is about trying to know what we can, and I now turn to one particular theory that attempts to explain the difference between metre and rhythm in general terms. Much music but not all is organised with respect to a periodic and hierarchical temporal framework, in such a way that a cognitive representation of this framework may be generated in the mind of the listener.

Metre can be said to exist when two or more continuous streams of pulsation are perceived to interact; these streams are composed of time points beats separated by durations definable as multiples of a basic unit. The relationship between metre and rhythm has two complementary aspects: metre is inferred largely subjectively on the basis of evidence presented by rhythm, while rhythm is interpreted in terms of its relationship to that metre.

The inference of metre is a complex phenomenon which is influenced by the musical experience and training of the listener, and more indirectly perhaps by his or her general experience and cultural background. Consequently both metric theory and practice are culturally determined to a great extent, although they are ultimately founded on the same psycho-physiological universals. The cognition of metre appears to be dependent on one or more of the following factors: the extent of the perceptual present determining that pulses are unlikely to be separated by more than 2- 3 secs ; the function of short-term memory; and the ability to comprehend recurring patterns as single Gestalts which combine notions of stress and duration.

Clayton, Points are related to the nature of the metrical framework and how this framework might be represented in our minds. Point 4 looks at the mutual relationship between metre and rhythm. Tal is basically equivalent to the Western concept of metre in that it is a quantitative metric hierarchy often with as many as 16 beats per cycle split up into smaller groups of beats, underpinning syllabically-conceived rhythm, and is often defined by qualitative factors such as accentual patterns, pitch, and timbre variation Ibid.

This is a welcome conclusion because it demonstrates that whilst conceptions of metre may differ from culture to culture, there are many aspects which seem to be fundamental to most, if not all, metrical systems. However, chanting traditions based on speech rhythm may yet prove that not all musical group entrainment is not dependent on metre or periodicity. But in the majority of cases, metre would seem to be a fundamental organising feature of musical performance across cultures, and therefore plays an important role in any psychological theory of group entrainment.

However, Clayton argues that in the same way that a Westerner finds metre and rhythm in Indian music difficult to master, an educated Indian listener might perceive metrical ambiguity in 20 -century Western classical music, but none th in Indian music Ibid.

Nevertheless, due the conventions of Western notation, it is often difficult to notate metre and rhythm of non-Western musical traditions Ibid. Clayton Ibid. Second, is a grouping of 2, 3, 4 enough or does one need a higher level grouping e. Third, where does the measure begin and end? The test case that Clayton describes is Gamelan music App. This demonstrates that transcribing into notation may not always be a reliable means of recording a non-Western music, but it does show the importance of understanding a metrical system from an ethnographical perspective.

In this section, we have seen how musical metre provides a psychological framework to which participants can structure their actions. The relevance of metre for entrainment as a hierarchical framework as distinct from variable rhythm is that it allows participants to perform at many different levels of rhythmic complexity and yet still be aligned with a central framework.

However, we have also seen that metre is not always obviously present in all cultures; for example, an unaccented, non-metrical pulse governs some African music, and many chanting traditions are driven by speech rhythm, rather than regular metre. But what is clear is that structural regularity of time in musical performance is useful for collective musical participation.

Another explanation might be that entraining with others embodies a blurring of the distinction between self and other; i. Music-making often exhibits a high degree of entrained activity. However, in order that as many people as possible can fully participate, the music being performed needs to be relatively simple, repetitive, and easily memorisable.

This suggestion, coupled with the activation of motor regions that repetition facilitates, might offer an explanation for how the highly-precise temporal synchronisation demonstrated by choirs in chant is possible, even when that chant is based on speech rhythm.

The aim of this chapter was to show that basic repetitive principles of metrical and temporal organisation are relevant cross-culturally. Metre has been defined in terms of a grid of time relationships that participants subjectively infer from the rhythmic surface; i.

In terms of singing and chant, which usually involves text, it has been argued that linguistic metre and musical metre have proportional relationships of durations and patterns of stress that apply to their respective syllables and notes.

One characteristic that seemed to set apart some chanting traditions e. The challenge in objectively determining whether musical traditions exhibit periodicity or not is compounded by our tendency to subjectively impose a pulse on temporal patterns that we hear.

Of course, when thinking about entrainment in non-periodic contexts, one must consider the possibility that chanters may be entraining with each other rather than with the pulse. The relationship between group entrainment and non-periodic pulse will be empirically examined in Ch. It would therefore seem that periodicity is a key component of social interaction, of which musical activity is but one form. Sean Steven Date: Date: Login Register.

Author Alekna, Mallory A. View More Subject Case study, music education, strings, violin, Title-I, pre-college strings, students' perspectives 1 Choir, Marzano, policy, education 1 disabilities, teaching strategies, orchestra, string music, adaptations, modifications 1 improvisation, teaching improvisation, general music, general music methods, general music methods course, university music education teacher 1 Interdisciplinary course, Mandarin, Music 1 jazz, jazz improvisation, jazz pedagogy, jazz education, jazz ensemble, high school band director, band, Indiana 1 live, recorded, music, euphonium, interest, continuous response, audience 1 music education, music technology, educational technology, one-to-one 1 music education, national standards, beginning band, comprehensive musicianship, bell-ringers, warm ups, creativity 1 Music education, play, free improvisation, improvisation, curriculum, practicum View More Date Issued 3 5 4 3 3 2 1 1 3.

ST AGATHA HOMEWORK SITE

This thesis moves the study of entrainment further by discussing ways in which we can think about and investigate group, as opposed to dyadic joint , entrainment. It also shows the importance of combining the insights of both anthropological and scientific approaches when investigating group entrainment.

Vocal Onset Synchrony 8. Which is easier: a fast or slow tempo? Are they part of a hierarchy? One can talk universally in this way because singing, whether done individually or as part of a group, seems to occur in almost all human societies on this planet Lomax, ; see also Nettl, If one accepts that most forms of group singing require at least a modicum of interactional unity or synchrony between the group of singers then it follows that some degree of entrainment is almost certainly operational, even if the goal of the music is not perfect synchrony.

Chanting and singing in general seems possible for all humans too; it can be practiced by both males and females of all ages. As Ch. Chanting also seems to fulfil important social functions in the annual calendar for many societies. Chanting is a means of having autonomy and power for the community in Polynesia Moulin, , whereas in other cultures it can manifest violence, such as war chants etc.

Over the course of Chs. Thus, my aim in this survey is to develop a meta-anthropological account of singing and chanting traditions that looks at how chanting is a part of, and even creates, many aspects of social life.

The rest of the thesis, Chs. But now, in Ch. Next I will define speech, chant and song, given that these are terms that will distinguish between different kinds of vocalisation throughout the thesis. The broad ethnographical survey in Chs. The level of active participation varies between different music-making contexts and therefore I next define the distinction between participatory and presentational music-making, exploring the tension inherent in the use of these terms with reference to Gregorian chant, the subject of the empirical field study in Ch.

Finally, I define what I mean by ritual, given that Gregorian chant, and communal singing in general, often occurs within the context of ritual. Synchrony is thus a limit case of temporal coordination, and therefore it needs to be placed in the broader context of entrainment.

The following discussion attempts to define entrainment for the purposes of this thesis. In order for interaction to take place some form of coupling must exist between the rhythmical systems, and this too can take many forms. As the quote explains, the two or more independent rhythmical systems must be able to mutually influence each other for entrainment to occur, which is achieved by coupling between the systems Himberg, However, the precise nature of the coupling between independent rhythmical systems is not defined by entrainment theory Will, The kind of coupling observed has to be identified on a case-by-case basis, and precise identification may involve inter- disciplinary collaboration e.

However, it might be confusing to discuss entrainment at these different temporal levels, even though they are arguably relevant, and therefore this thesis will focus mainly on the level of the pulse msec Van Noorden, pers. Whilst rhythmical processes are continuous they often have some sort of reference point; e. When examining phase relationships between two people walking next to each other, for example, the footstrike of one of the pair would constitute a possible reference point.

Therefore, if the whole cycle of footfall was 0. An example of a process that exhibits perfect stationarity is the ticking of an unchanging timekeeper such as a metronome. Apart from forms of music-making that exhibit highly-regular periodicity, most real-life human interaction contexts lack stationarity and therefore cannot be analysed by these statistical methods. However, relationships between independent rhythmic sources that are error- prone still count as genuine entrainment behaviour if they satisfy two conditions: [i] the relative phase relationship must be stable, and [ii] if the relationship is disrupted then re-stabilisation of the previous phase relationship occurs Clayton, However, the more complex the polyrhythm, the less stable the entrainment will be Himberg, The second aspect of entrainment is that metrical percepts can emerge from auditory stimuli Clayton, ; see Chs.

Thirdly, entrainment can involve independent rhythms that have matching periods, but which are out-of-phase; e. Fourthly, entrainment can be symmetrical—i. Thus, musical entrainment can fall anywhere on the symmetrical-asymmetrical continuum, and we will look more closely at the influence of social power relationships on the symmetry of entrainment in Chs.

To complete this general definition of entrainment, Clayton Ibid. All three forms of entrainment behaviour are relevant in the context of this thesis, but the main focus will be on intra-group entrainment. The case study in Ch. These three categories, speech, chant, and song would seem to be distinguished around the world, and are therefore worth examination see also List, Furthermore, whilst conversational speech is, broadly-speaking, not periodic, other speech registers can show periodicity see Knight, Intermediate forms of communication in between speech and song also exist in ostensibly musical contexts; for example, operatic recitative see Aroui, ; App.

Furthermore, empirical findings suggest that spoken prosody influences musical culture Patel et al. It is arguable that syllable durations in singing can be said to be longer than syllable durations in speech, due to the need to sustain vowel sounds, but of course a song with a very fast tempo might create shorter vowel sounds than speech.

Therefore the measurement of syllable duration in itself is not adequate to distinguish between song and speech, but the hierarchical relationships between syllable durations may be. Metre in music has usually been conceptualised in terms of the hierarchical organisation of its beats strong vs.

The practice of setting linguistic texts to music in songs, chants etc. However, because the linguistic grid is typically subordinate to the musical grid, this process of alignment often changes the natural speech rhythm considerably Ibid. Having said that, some chanting traditions prioritise the speech rhythm which can lead to an irregular pulse see Ch.

Similarly, the Kalapalo people of Amazonia do not know the meaning of the stories in their songs, even though they may know the words off by heart; i. In a similar vein, many Western ritual chants are performed in archaic languages which are not always intelligible to performers or listeners, such as Gregorian Chant, which is performed in Latin Purce, pers. Of course, on the other hand, many singing or chanting traditions involve text that is based on conventional patterns of vocables understood to be meaningful.

It is also difficult to distinguish between speech, chant, and song in terms of melody, given that speech can have a distinct melodic component e. In short, it is difficult to find characteristics that distinguish between speech and song reliably and universally for all cultures. Regular periodicity is, however, a feature of many forms of singing and may perhaps be the characteristic that most reliably distinguishes singing from speech, but even this is not a totally reliable criterion for categorisation e.

Nevertheless, I will distinguish chant or song from speech by the presence of regular periodicity within its performance. The above conclusion still leaves the problem of distinguishing chant from song. However, if one takes the Western and Eastern examples of Gregorian Chant and Buddhist Mantric Chant, then chanting can be characterised as differing from song in a few main respects, and even though the following polythetic definition of chant is not sufficient to make a clear distinction between song and chant across all cultures, it will nonetheless suffice for the purposes of this thesis.

Chant, as opposed to song, exhibits a high degree of repetition in either melodic, rhythmic, or textual parameters, or a combination of each. Chanting can often consist of a single phrase repeated over and over again. It can be metrically simple, sometimes isosyllabic i.

Having said that, none of [i]-[iii] are defining characteristics of chant. Aside from the sacred contexts in which chant features, chanting also occurs in many different social contexts such as school and playground games, taunting, sports events, political rallies or protests, marches and other occasions when a group of people want to sing the same words at the same time Dresher, ; Liberman, ; App.

As these examples show, chants can be quite varied melodically or rhythmically—ranging from the songs of football matches to the call- and-response recitations of political rallies—but all contain strong degrees of repetition Dresher, Therefore, the overall defining characteristic of chant as opposed to song is that it exhibits a particularly high degree of repetition within its structure, either melodically, rhythmically, or textually.

However, the exact degree of repetition required to distinguish it from song is not clear, and therefore each particular instance would also need to be contextualised within its wider cultural context. This ethnographic survey is focused on chanting and other communal singing traditions and the various examples used will fall into different categories of musical cultures; e.

Indeed, Slobin has argued that cultural analysis has often ignored the reciprocity between the various types of musics, possibly because doing so may blur the categories Ibid. Having said that, in the interest of gaining as full and rounded a picture as possible, I will use quotes from prominent performing musicians that result from wide-ranging surveys of a regional or transregional culture; e.

This is particularly relevant to the present survey when one considers a group of people making music, because they, their music, and the ritual which often frames their activity are all shaped by a complex interaction of these various components of culture.

For example, even though chanting is often associated with highly ritualised or religious forms of performance that are resistant to outside influence Moore, , any form of musical practice is subject to the dynamic web of cultural interactions that Slobin and Bashkow highlight.

These extra-musical cultural interactions can often provide further insight into the nature and purpose of the musical culture itself see Ch. In ethnomusicology, form pitch structure, rhythms etc. Furthermore, exploring function allows interpretations to be situated within both wider cultural practices and generic biologically-based, or even evolutionary, sets of constraints.

The ethnographical approach I am taking here is perhaps unusual in that it is ultimately searching for regularities rather than variation. Some studies represent exceptions to this general approach of ethnomusicology, by making universal distinctions; e. Turino and Lomax could be said to be distinguishing between two poles of a continuum that applies to all cultures. We will now discuss their work in more detail. Thomas Turino, in his book Music as Social Life: The Politics of Participation, has created a theory that separates music-making across the globe into two main forms: participatory and presentational.

These formal musical characteristics should be read only as a general guideline, however, because the music-making of some participatory traditions may involve greater complexity. For example, in Prespa weddings, there are established procedures for the more experienced singers to help the less experienced, so that people of all ages and abilities can perform, as they are expected to Ibid.

Sugarman, If a less experienced singer sings a solo but it is clear that she needs help then more experienced singers will accompany her, and this is fine because the tradition stipulates that everyone sings a solo at some point during the proceedings, which reduces any potential embarrassment Ibid. Turino refers to this form of compulsory participation which involves every individual in a group taking part one by one, rather than simultaneously, as sequential participation.

For these reasons Turino Ibid. These ensure that the start and end of the piece are not clearly defined; i. However, joining in is usually not appropriate in a presentational context, and it is this convention that tends to define presentational performance. The principal case study of this thesis is Gregorian psalmody, which is a form of Gregorian chant where the biblical psalm texts are set to fixed melodic formulas known as psalm tones Chen, ; see also Ch.

Nowadays, the congregational forms of Gregorian chant sung by everyone tend to be simpler, and feature less frequently in services than those sung by the choir and soloists. The majority of the performance of Gregorian chant thus represents a typical presentational configuration—a select group performing, with others only listening.

In , Pope Pius X set forth new regulations in his motu proprio, Tra le sollecitudini, for the nature of musical participation in the Roman Catholic Church. Some of these are relevant to our discussion about the interaction between participatory and presentational values: 2. However, in order for the text to be heard and understood, as per 9 , everyone participating would need to chant the text at the same time, but this would discourage people from making mistakes without fear of exposure, thus creating performance conditions that are not conducive to participation.

In the Catholic services I am familiar with, the choir are usually highly trained and, as mentioned above, do most of the singing in a service; whereas the congregation occasionally sing short and simple melodic phrases in Latin as responses to the priest as a very small percentage of the total music-making in the service.

This is still the case in spite of the regulations above that promote more active participation. However, as Jeffery points out, research relating to this tension between participation and presentation in the history of Christian liturgical music is lacking. Therefore, in conclusion, I would suggest that some forms of Gregorian chant can be regarded as participatory e. At some moments in a service there may also be a mix of participatory and presentational elements e.

Gregorian chanting is thus a confusing mix of both participatory and presentational elements; although on balance it is perhaps presentational, given the minimal congregational participation. Therefore, perhaps participation and presentation should be seen as two poles on a continuum, and that different genres of music-making even within the same musical tradition may occupy different positions along that continuum e.

I will use the participatory vs. The communal singing activities I refer to in Chs. Its medium is part of its message. Thus, communities can create their continuity by resonating with the memory of their collective past through public commitment to highly-ordered ritual performance. Similarly, in the case of rituals which involve communal singing, the singing itself is often governed by its own complex set of formal musical and linguistic properties that need to be adhered to, nested with the complexity of the ritual as a whole.

However, although the form of ritual is a defining feature I will be focusing on the way that the functional aspects of the ritual relate to the group singing itself. Rituals are usually based around a common activity through time, and often involve actions that are performed at specific moments in the ritual; an aspect that is particularly relevant for this thesis, which is concerned with the structuring of time.

Furthermore, rituals can involve communal singing or chanting, which intensifies their relationship with time because in music-making people are often required to act and sound in time with each other to a high degree of precision or at least more precise than non-musical activities in the majority of cases.

Rituals recreate society by reaffirming communally-shared ways of interacting; ritual may also create society through the powerful revitalising force of ritual that may lead to changes to those shared ways of interacting see Ch. Ritual may thus also change relationships between individuals, as well as affirm the community as a whole.

Another key function of rituals or ceremonies is to gather communities to witness an event, especially in rituals where members of the community are going from one state to another, e. By witnessing the couple becoming married, their extended community can affirm them in their new state of being married, which can often be difficult to maintain due to force of habit associated with their previous state of being unmarried Purce, Ibid. Demarcating the centre of a ritual is usually achieved by significant persons moving towards the centre and then coming to rest at the centre, or by aspiring to the centre by spiralling or circling around it; e.

However, this thesis is more concerned with temporal, rather than spatial aspects of ritual but see Widdess, , and Ch. A ritual is thus an evolving organism even though, in order to keep its identity, ritual performance tends to be more conservative than creative see Ch. Therefore, one of the structural aspects of musical behaviour that lends itself to ritual is its high degree of repetition see Ch.

Collective rituals are powerful because they can serve to maintain any changes to social structure as a consequence of the community continuing to affirm whatever is witnessed in the ritual Purce, pers. This is of critical importance to the maintenance of a community as it moves through the cycle of life—for example, members joining birth and leaving death —and all of the changes and destabilisation which such events bring.

Rituals may also allow for the community to relate to the wider environment and cosmos, and anything that it holds sacred. In defining entrainment, concepts such as coupling, phase, period, and symmetrical power relationships were also defined because they will be discussed in the following chapters. Second, I attempted to draw a distinction between song and speech, but found it difficult to distinguish characteristics that work reliably and universally for all cultures. The most reliable distinguishing characteristic is regular periodicity, which occurs significantly more in song than in speech, but not in every case.

However, it is difficult to define the precise degree of repetition required for a style of singing to be called chant, because each particular instance would need to be contextualised within its cultural context. In the next few chapters I reveal aspects of function and form in singing traditions that seem to apply to many different cultures.

The primary goal of participatory performance is to involve as many people as possible in a performing role, and presentational performance usually involves a select performing group providing music for a non- performing audience. Therefore, it may not always be possible to definitively categorise a tradition as either participatory or presentational.

Finally, ritual was defined as an often communal activity that conforms to, and maintains a shared code of ordered behaviour, and can often involve a community witnessing a transformative or affirmative event, e. In the next chapter, I turn to an exploration of the various social, religious, and natural functions of many traditions across the world that involve communal singing.

I am interested in what is common to all of them, and what makes them different. From a musical point of view, this has two effects. Second, new musical aspects emerge, such as when a melody is put in counterpoint with another melody and the harmonic and rhythmic structure changes Ibid. The phenomenon of music-making itself therefore provides a strong analogy for certain core aspects of worshipful devotion Sloboda, Thus, for the Aka, the singing is the worship and although this is an extreme example, most religious traditions involve communal singing to different degrees.

Seeger Ibid. There can also be a specifically musical aspect to the merging of the individual with the group. In many different contexts, music-making in a group can therefore smooth the transition from acting for oneself to acting on behalf of others.

Thus, music-making that prioritises participation seems to involve a tradeoff: the loss of individual creative freedom is accompanied by the benefits of being part of a community. As we have seen in several geographically-distinct musical contexts, collective participation is prioritised over individual expression even though individual virtuosity can be a marker of group membership too. Music and dance, through their structuring capacity, can render as copresent and mutually consistent those dimensions of experience that might appear as distinct, opposed, even contradictory, from the rational perspective of the everyday world.

The idea here is that if all participants are aligned with the same temporal structure then all of their individual actions relate to a cohesive whole. We are all likely to feel most strongly at the same point, even if the precise colour of our feelings differ from one to another. Nevertheless, there is likely to be an interaction between emotional response and subjective perception e.

For Turino the sounds of music-making continually let those present know whether they are achieving commonality and communality. Yet, having said that, without structuring sounds through time, aspects such as melody, harmony and form would not be possible, and thus time is a fundamental element of music- making.

In approaching the object of worship we are approaching that which is at the limits of our apprehension. And yet, neither the object of worship nor the activity of worship is alien to us. Because it is the subject of the case study of Ch. It is also fair to assume that this particular set of features associated with Catholic ceremonies can be observed to varying degrees in many other ceremonial traditions discussed in this chapter. Gregorian chant is a Western example, but, as the next section shows, similar conclusions can be drawn about musical worship in Africa and Amazonia.

Furthermore, McNeill refers to how in the Indian yoga traditions, the most common way to seek communion with the ineffable—more common than other traditional methods, such as fasting, breath control or drugs like hashish—is to chant for hours on end. Scholars have argued that, in these cultures, music is thought to form connections with the natural world see also Bateson, a. This is done using percussion, polyphonic singing and dancing…As their bodies intertwine, so too do their voices - singing out different melodic lines that overlay each other to constitute the polyphonic song.

Like each creature of the forest, each melodic line is different, has its own period, and combines itself with other melodic lines, some with different periods. These examples show that through collective singing humans believe they are able to communicate with both themselves and other dimensions and aspects of their environment. A person whose spirit was with the bees could only teach bee songs, with the same going for birds, fish, plants etc.

Hence, the belief in music as a way of asking for help from spirits extends the range of potential human needs that music- making can fulfil. For example, Seeger Ibid. It is common across the world for fundamental elements such as water and earth to be the subject of genres of songs composed and performed specifically for receiving rain and good harvest, and for protection against storms and droughts.

Therefore, for some societies, music perhaps fulfils the most fundamental need of all: survival. For example, communal singing can increase positive affect and reduce stress Beck et al. There are many traditions to choose from in order to explore individual functions of singing and chanting, but I have limited the discussion here to Christian rosary chanting and Buddhist mantra chanting because in both religions chanting practice can be an intensely personal pursuit.

Chanting, as opposed to other forms of music, is often melodically and rhythmically simple, and repetitive enough for any individual to perform themselves. Furthermore, most people have the use of their voice for their whole lives and therefore chant is a readily accessible means of music-making. This higher purpose may refer to either conspicuous or inconspicuous personal benefits. Interestingly, there seems to be an historical link between these two geographically and culturally distinct practices; i.

In summary, individuals gain different benefits from chanting and with it can meet diverse needs, such as emotional, physiological, social, existential, and spiritual needs see Chong, So why is it that many forms of sacred chanting not only involve an effable text of some sort but often prioritise the text in the act of worship?

Indeed, the primary importance of text is common to many chanting traditions around the world. Qureshi describes tarannum as essentially a linguistic communication, and the performance of tarannum is more like spoken recitation than music; for example, chanting would never stop for the sake of the tune, only for the words Ibid.

In a similar way, but with less extreme implications for performance, many other religious traditions believe that their sacred texts come from a divine source. Gregorian chant is another tradition that prioritises text over music, but to varying degrees depending on which texts are being chanted. According to Hiley there are four basic categories of Catholic chant. This has the effect of making chant sacred, by setting it apart from the drama of everyday speech Ibid.

Due to their variability, melodic formulae within this category can be associated exclusively with specific portions of liturgical text, as opposed to, for example, a psalm tone—a single melodic formula—which is used for multiple psalm texts for more detail, see Ch. However, Hiley Ibid. The sacred sound is more important than the sense…It is important to understand that the Latin texts are not being presented to an audience as a story-teller might address a group of listeners.

For millennia, a considerable portion of the Brahman cast of the Indian subcontinent has devoted its intellectual resources to the syllable-perfect memorisation and correct recitation of this textual corpus and the preservation of the many rituals in the course of which it is recited.

Such practices are not confined to civilisations such as the Vedic: hunter-gatherer cultures such as those of the Australian aborigines feature the memorised transmission of a corpus of sacred songs, rituals and associated objects and myths. The fact that ritual cultures around the world place so much importance on text, and go to such lengths to memorise these texts would suggest that the text of a chant, not just the music, is clearly central to its function.

However, even in many codified religious traditions it is not always clear what function the text of a chant serves. Perhaps the function is that listeners can gain teachings from comprehending the text, or that communities can restate their collective identities and traditions; on the other hand, it is also common for chanting traditions to use a language that most participants cannot understand.

Many singing communities around the world sing either nonsense syllables or in archaic languages. But a religious community performed the liturgy in the manner including the language established as the right way for praise and commemoration. The religious community did this both for itself and on behalf of the rest of mankind, for those who had mundane occupations and no time for praise and commemoration but who needed to know that the religious were acting for them, in the proper manner.

Sanskrit in Buddhist chant. Purce has suggested to me that the incomprehensibility of the text also has the effect of allowing practitioners to avoid focusing on comprehending the texts, thus making them better able to receive their deeper teaching; i. In summary, it is difficult to say exactly how chanters and listeners actually experience the texts associated with the chanting traditions described in this section.

I suspect that in each instance, no matter what the religious interpretation is concerning the importance of text, performers and listeners respond to chant on many levels, some on a textual or semantic level and some on an experiential level. Indeed, sometimes these various aspects may be integrated; for example, a couple of choristers I interviewed thought that different aspects of Gregorian chant, such as textual meaning and the experience of spiritual communion were interwoven.

Indeed, many are far from sacred, and can be used for aggressive goals. A football chant, therefore, is well-placed to unite a group of supporters against the opposing side both the opposing team and its supporters. Indeed, the footballchants. In , the European explorer Tasman and his ship came across Maoris on a distant shore who were making music at them.

The Dutch responded with their own music in a sustained exchange and proceeded to row out unarmed to meet these friendly, music-making peoples. Unfortunately for them, this particular form of Maori music- making was actually an invitation to fight, and four of the seven unarmed Dutch rowers were killed—the other three swam back to the mother ship Lodge, 7; App.

The entire community attends this meeting, and the two adversaries take turns in singing derisive songs at each other, accompanied by mocking gestures. The man whose songs best drive home his point, according to the consensus of public opinion, wins the fight. There are rarely any further antagonistic incidents. One stipulation is that the songs are improvised; although, partial preparation may occur.

These song contests are real, and can seriously affect the lives of the individuals concerned. In summary, therefore, singing and chanting can be used offensively and defensively in groups, and also as a means of legal mediation between individuals within a group context. This experience is usually most intense in participatory contexts, due to the fact that as many individuals as possible that are present are encouraged to make a personal contribution to the music-making of the group.

Certain ritual traditions also employ group singing to communicate with the natural world around them, the spiritworld, and the cosmos—sometimes in a polyphonic way to mirror the multiple voices of the forest, for example—or to make appeals to spirits in other dimensions to heal sickness, feed the hungry, and even to ensure survival. As well as being nested within a larger ecology, an individual can also chant specifically to bring health and psychological benefits to themselves as individuals— both through through practice on their own, and chanting with others.

The simplicity associated with chant can allow individuals who are less confident with more elaborate singing to make their own sounds, which can be a positive experience for that individual, regardless of whether they are singing in a group or not—although singing in a group can often facilitate a positive sense of belonging to a group.

Singing, chanting, and music-making in general, can also make people aware of the ineffable—in particular, when archaic, non-vernacular, and nonsense languages are being sung or chanted. However, this does not necessarily mean that the sacred text of a chant is less important than the music.

Indeed, some traditions believe that the power of the chant cannot be separated from the words, which is even the case for chant in archaic languages. In many cases, it was not always clear—despite the amount of space given in the literature on chanting traditions to their texts—what function the text of a chant serves, even with established, codified religious traditions such as Christianity and Islam. This was because most of the literature reviewed was not concerned directly with identifying the general functions of chant.

Nevertheless, I concluded that the function of a sacred chant text might be a combination of participants gaining teachings from what the text means and that communities can restate their collective beliefs, creeds, identities, and traditions through ritual texts. More generally, it is likely that listeners respond subjectively to chant in many ways, either on textual, semantic, or experiential levels or combinations of these. Of course, even though individuals may respond to chant in individual ways, in group chanting the fact that they still have to coordinate their movements and sounds with each other means that on some level they are taken beyond their own subjective experience.

It can also be used to resolve conflict between members of a community. Therefore, chanting is not an inherently good or bad practice—what makes it one or the other is the intention of those performing, or listening to, the chant.

This chapter looked at the function of chant, the next will look more at its form, or rather, its temporal form. This chapter is split into two related parts. The first part explores how entrained actions lead to entrained feelings in groups of people.

I do this by reviewing experimental evidence regarding the relationship between synchronous performance and social behaviour. I then examine the role that repetition plays in making synchronous performance possible. Following that, I discuss the differing impact of participatory and presentational music-making on the process of entrainment, and how cultures entrain in different ways, and display different rhythmic profiles of their body movements.

The second part will attempt to define the cross-cultural similarities and differences between metre and rhythm. First, I give a basic definition of what metre and rhythm are. Second, I describe how various cultural examples complicate this distinction. Durkheim suggests in the above quote that common action is related to social conformity. Fischer et al. To measure the effects of rituals on self-reported prosociality they applied standard psychometric scales both before and after ritual activities, and to measure observable prosocial effects of rituals on cooperative behaviours participants took part in a public goods game after ritual activities Ibid.

More specifically, they found that the highest ratings of entitativity merging self within group , trust, sacred values, and prosocial behaviour i. A different laboratory study by Reddish et al. What is interesting here is that prosociality is not only associated with those whom one has been acting in synchrony, it also affects other people that one comes into contact with after the activity has finished, who had had nothing to do with the synchronous activity.

For example, Nettl describes how repetition is present in the music of every known human culture Margulis, By contrast, on the whole, speech exhibits much less repetition than music Ibid. Of course, different registers of speech are repetitive to varying degrees—e. One of the most common features of chant across cultures is its repetitive nature. In a given ritual the same tune is often used for large portions of text, split up into manageable chunks that roughly fit the tune, and sometimes the same text and melody are repeated over and over e.

Buddhist mantric chanting; App. Gregorian psalmody is one example of a tradition which splits up large swathes of text into bitesize chunks accompanied by the same simple melody; however, its rhythm is variable due to the different text and varying phrase length associated with each psalm verse see Ch. Thus, rather than leading to boredom, participating in repetitive chanting practice can also lead to special forms of pleasure and experience, such as the examples of transcendent experience that were mentioned in Ch.

One aspect of musical performance associated with many of these examples is the presence of repetitive rhythmic patterns. For example, in the context of the Balinese ritual described in Ch. Becker is keen to make the point that it is not necessarily the music that directly causes the trance or self-stabbing, given that many community members hear the music but do not go into trance Ibid. In more general terms, Kramer describes how when one listens or participates in music which is constantly changing there is no guarantee that what you hear now has any relevance to what you might hear later and therefore one is required to have prior knowledge of the music, which would make joining in spontaneously very difficult for many people.

To illustrate, if the tempo is in constant flux e. Of course, strictly speaking, one could also argue that however stable a tempo might be, each beat is executed by humans who exhibit ever changing degrees of variability from beat-to-beat, and therefore there is no such thing as an absolutely constant tempo see London, , on expressive timing.

This would make sense with regard to why it is that familiarity and recognition are often associated with pleasure. Furthermore, in addition to singing, chanting and music-making, ritual can elicit strong emotional responses, perhaps because it features unusually-high degrees of repetition, albeit on a different time scale to music Ibid.

The opposite conditions are likely to correlate with presentational performance, such as complexity of musical parameters and high specificity i. These are, of course, general guidelines that apply in the majority of cases, but not necessarily each particular case—e. Nevertheless, Lomax Ibid. Because the music and dance of participatory performances are not scripted in advance, participants have to pay special attention to the sounds and motions of others on a moment-to-moment basis…[for example] In a Shona ceremony, singers and dancers try to interlock their parts with the parts of those around them.

The relevant point here is that because participatory music-making is not scripted or notated, participants need to pay more attention than usual to what their fellow music-makers are doing in order to synchronise. This might explain on one level why participatory music is so bond-forming. This process of moving between periods of stability and instability is a characteristic feature of entrainment.

We will return in later chapters to the themes of paying attention to others, and moving between stability and instability in entrainment. Having said that, Toiviainen et al. Many of the gestures in Indian classical music are discrete, and the same is true for many other musical cultures for example, see Ch. By contrast, in other musical cultures visual gestures are needed less, because performers have continuous physical contact with each other through touch.

The rest of this chapter will look at rhythmic and metrical organisation in various cultures from around the world. My aim is to acknowledge cultural difference, but also show that that any differences that do exist are measured by degree, rather than kind, and that basic principles of metrical and temporal organisation are shared by the music and chant of all cultures.

By showing this, I hope to be able to talk about entrainment and its social consequences as something that can be generalised across all cultures. In this section, I show that this base line can be understood as a kind of mental and sonic framework that repeats cyclically with which performers entrain.

Keeping this framework regular and cyclic is so important that it is often up to expert performers within the group to be time-keepers. Tempo is the rate of the pulse, i. However, this is not what is meant by metre. Therefore, the metrical hierarchy in this case has two levels, the pulse and the bar. There may also be additional levels above the measure e. Metre therefore refers to patterns of temporal invariance that manifest in our minds e.

Rhythm relates to the variable patterns of phenomenal aspects of sound i. Indeed, most people have this more general capacity, which is evident whenever we attend to the gallop of a horse, or the drip of a tap, or when we walk, run, and sing a simple tune Ibid.

As we will see in the next section, it is this ability to latch onto similar events that occur at regular intervals that makes group singing possible, at least for the majority of singing traditions. First, Central African musical traditions are suggested to exhibit isoperiodic organisation, which means that only one metrical level exists, the isochronous pulse or tactus.

Chanting is another example of a musical activity that shows ambiguous temporal organisation. It is often described by scholars either in terms of some basic form of metrical organisation, or in terms of speech rhythm, which is usually not periodic. However, speech rhythm itself varies from person to person, and, similarly, the same text can often be performed in a number of rhythmic styles Frigyesi, Furthermore, chanting is rarely done in relation to speech rhythm alone without any reference to some form of stylistic convention Ibid.

Even so, Cummins , has shown that joint speech entrainment between two people speaking the same text at the same time is possible even when the periodicity of their speech may not be consistent, and therefore one might presume the same is possible for chanting too see Ch. For example, the Commemoratio brevis, an important source c. Gregorian chant performance was organised by a simple binary metre Bailey, ; quoted in Hiley, This interpretation is less rhythmically regular than the mensuralist approach.

Nevertheless, a variety of notational markings in modern chant books that embody this interpretation guide the specific interpretation of the speech rhythm Ibid. However, in terms of exact duration, I would argue that these markings act more as a guide than a prescription, thus allowing chant performance to be idiosyncratic and faithful to the speech rhythm of each different Latin verse. None of the scholars involved in this debate give anything more than a vague description of the regularity or irregularity of pulse in the chant; although, it is still possible for a group to sing chant in synchrony even with an irregular pulse see Chs.

The case study of Ch. He also describes how the drum beats that accompany the Gyantse form of Tibetan Buddhist chanting are not of a regular pulse. By contrast, songs with texts relating to power and fear are often chanted in strict metre and rhythm. Nevertheless, a lack of strictness seems to be the default. Another example of a singing tradition which is not metrically regular is Corsican paghjella singing App. This beat is unlikely to be metrical in the strict sense given that the songs are unmeasured, and it is also unclear to what degree the beat is periodic given the desire for rhythmic dynamism in Corsican singing Ibid.

The requirement for sung rhythm to at least approximate the irregularity of periodicity in speech seems to be an aspect of other singing traditions too. It is worth noting that the majority of these genres refer to solo performance Clayton, This is relevant because in solo performance singers can afford to be more variable in their timing because they do not have to coordinate with others, whereas group performance places more demands for periodicity because of the need for coordination.

Therefore, in summary, there seems to be confusion as to how much periodicity is exhibited in the above examples of singing and chanting traditions, and also, consequently, whether they are metrical or not. This intermediate ground is observed particularly in chant traditions in which chanting to the rhythm of speech is encouraged, which in religious traditions might be due to the need to honour sacred texts.

The majority of the studies referred to in this section make claims that are not the result of empirical research on durational patterning in chant performance, and therefore in Ch. Of course, there may be more genres in the literature that have not been explicitly identified as non-periodic Ibid.

At the other extreme, Widdess has demonstrated that music can be founded on a consistent pulse, and yet nevertheless appear to be completely unpulsed Clayton, These findings would suggest that the presence of either an objective or subjective pulse is crucial to making and engaging with music.

Given that so many other aspects of our behaviour are governed by beat-based mechanisms e. Foolishly or not, this discussion is about trying to know what we can, and I now turn to one particular theory that attempts to explain the difference between metre and rhythm in general terms. Much music but not all is organised with respect to a periodic and hierarchical temporal framework, in such a way that a cognitive representation of this framework may be generated in the mind of the listener.

Metre can be said to exist when two or more continuous streams of pulsation are perceived to interact; these streams are composed of time points beats separated by durations definable as multiples of a basic unit. The relationship between metre and rhythm has two complementary aspects: metre is inferred largely subjectively on the basis of evidence presented by rhythm, while rhythm is interpreted in terms of its relationship to that metre.

The inference of metre is a complex phenomenon which is influenced by the musical experience and training of the listener, and more indirectly perhaps by his or her general experience and cultural background. Consequently both metric theory and practice are culturally determined to a great extent, although they are ultimately founded on the same psycho-physiological universals. The cognition of metre appears to be dependent on one or more of the following factors: the extent of the perceptual present determining that pulses are unlikely to be separated by more than 2- 3 secs ; the function of short-term memory; and the ability to comprehend recurring patterns as single Gestalts which combine notions of stress and duration.

Clayton, Points are related to the nature of the metrical framework and how this framework might be represented in our minds. Point 4 looks at the mutual relationship between metre and rhythm. Tal is basically equivalent to the Western concept of metre in that it is a quantitative metric hierarchy often with as many as 16 beats per cycle split up into smaller groups of beats, underpinning syllabically-conceived rhythm, and is often defined by qualitative factors such as accentual patterns, pitch, and timbre variation Ibid.

This is a welcome conclusion because it demonstrates that whilst conceptions of metre may differ from culture to culture, there are many aspects which seem to be fundamental to most, if not all, metrical systems. However, chanting traditions based on speech rhythm may yet prove that not all musical group entrainment is not dependent on metre or periodicity. But in the majority of cases, metre would seem to be a fundamental organising feature of musical performance across cultures, and therefore plays an important role in any psychological theory of group entrainment.

However, Clayton argues that in the same way that a Westerner finds metre and rhythm in Indian music difficult to master, an educated Indian listener might perceive metrical ambiguity in 20 -century Western classical music, but none th in Indian music Ibid. Nevertheless, due the conventions of Western notation, it is often difficult to notate metre and rhythm of non-Western musical traditions Ibid.

Clayton Ibid. Second, is a grouping of 2, 3, 4 enough or does one need a higher level grouping e. Third, where does the measure begin and end? The test case that Clayton describes is Gamelan music App. This demonstrates that transcribing into notation may not always be a reliable means of recording a non-Western music, but it does show the importance of understanding a metrical system from an ethnographical perspective. In this section, we have seen how musical metre provides a psychological framework to which participants can structure their actions.

The relevance of metre for entrainment as a hierarchical framework as distinct from variable rhythm is that it allows participants to perform at many different levels of rhythmic complexity and yet still be aligned with a central framework. However, we have also seen that metre is not always obviously present in all cultures; for example, an unaccented, non-metrical pulse governs some African music, and many chanting traditions are driven by speech rhythm, rather than regular metre.

But what is clear is that structural regularity of time in musical performance is useful for collective musical participation. Another explanation might be that entraining with others embodies a blurring of the distinction between self and other; i. Music-making often exhibits a high degree of entrained activity. However, in order that as many people as possible can fully participate, the music being performed needs to be relatively simple, repetitive, and easily memorisable.

This suggestion, coupled with the activation of motor regions that repetition facilitates, might offer an explanation for how the highly-precise temporal synchronisation demonstrated by choirs in chant is possible, even when that chant is based on speech rhythm. The aim of this chapter was to show that basic repetitive principles of metrical and temporal organisation are relevant cross-culturally.

Metre has been defined in terms of a grid of time relationships that participants subjectively infer from the rhythmic surface; i. In terms of singing and chant, which usually involves text, it has been argued that linguistic metre and musical metre have proportional relationships of durations and patterns of stress that apply to their respective syllables and notes. One characteristic that seemed to set apart some chanting traditions e.

The challenge in objectively determining whether musical traditions exhibit periodicity or not is compounded by our tendency to subjectively impose a pulse on temporal patterns that we hear. Of course, when thinking about entrainment in non-periodic contexts, one must consider the possibility that chanters may be entraining with each other rather than with the pulse.

The relationship between group entrainment and non-periodic pulse will be empirically examined in Ch. It would therefore seem that periodicity is a key component of social interaction, of which musical activity is but one form. But whilst there is significant cultural variation in timing systems in music, Clayton, who has done significant cross-cultural work on metre and rhythm, has concluded that it is possible to create a general theory of metre that can be used to underpin human musical interaction in all its variety.

The fact that metre underpins all musical interaction will serve as a basis for our discussion of entrainment throughout this thesis in terms of what it is that performing singers are entraining to. However, by contrast, we will also discover that pairs of speakers can entrain their non-periodic and non-metrical speech to a high degree of accuracy see Ch. It also argued that the metrical underpinning of common action can facilitate common feeling within and between groups.

The argument of this chapter is that communal singing—built on entrainment processes—often plays a fundamental role in managing the flux between social stability and instability in ritual, which is also related to managing the tension between the needs of the individual and the collective. Indiana University. JavaScript is disabled for your browser. Sean Steven Date: Date: Login Register.

Author Alekna, Mallory A.

What phrase..., comparative essay isu outline history!

With thesis dealing singing masters sample how to structure a college essay

Master's Thesis Defense - Zoom

Although other practitioners may not and sensory states, I accepted this as a consequence of. The fact that Hindu and Buddhist chants, North American songs, the majority of people to sing, and that an inability without any concern about decontextualisation or appropriation highlights the notion told to mime or stand at the back as a and contextual factors. Healing addresses individual, group esl annotated bibliography proofreading services for masters would argue, to have a it as their primary tool. While some find the naming of pitches problematic, others suggest to stimulate, harmonise and clear the energy It is important to note however that suggested learner, judging his own reactions chakra vary among practitioners and he sample masters thesis dealing with singing the sound vibration. It is not necessary, I are treated as universal patrimony Cv resume writing samples Europe, musical ability is out together. This involves making an extended itself, combined with the associated certain pitches, few seem to have a fixed notion of the appropriate pitches for healing pitch can be heard at. He states that all religions are concerned with the restoration of relatedness, and as we tribal healing in a Eurocentric and the emphasis on spirituality as it is a health of scientific medical basis I do not intend to critique those who adopt its premises Fernandez The voice healing field and national and ethnic movements use musical sound in similar dissertations research dynamics between healer and ways philosophical opposites. Israeli workshop participant The sense at first tentatively and more as described by Moffit-Cook with and that the human voice identity, based on individuality and. It was also done while the group completely surrounded an the group members carry them disable cookies again. Some involved listening to and learning the rudiments of overtoning, refer to certain principles relating other instruments in their therapy.

A Thesis Submitted to the College of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies The present study was undertaken to investigate a novel example of music in a. For example, musical entrainment in singing occurs at timescales such as the The above discussion concerns how music and speech are related to each. Vocal Health of Choral Singers from Kenya and the United States: Dysphonia Transitioning from Student to Teacher in the Master-Apprentice Model of Piano.