hillarys thesis

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Hillarys thesis independent writing topics toefl

Hillarys thesis

TWO accompanied its demand with the threat of demonstrators lying in front of bulldozers and hundreds of demonstrators at a City Plan Commission hearing. The University, probably with private assurances from the city officials, still did not take TWO seriously and continued alienating the Woodlawn residents. One example of their political ineptitude occurred in the treatment accorded local businessmen.

Businessmen are not usually the ardent backers of community action since it is aimed at the status quo that supports them, but after being insulted by spokesmen from the University at an informational gathering called to explain the proposed expansion, the Woodlawn Businessman's Association voted unanimously to join TWO's fight.

The attack, outlined in Silberman and other articles, was a strange one to launch in Chicago, as its primary thrust concerned the IAF is involvement with the Catholic Church. In a city whose leadership is publicly Roman Catholic, it makes little sense to fault a man for being "involved" with the Church. It is true, as University publicity men pointed out to the city newspapers, that Catholic groups had aided Alinsky's work since , but never under the delusion that they were aiding a "hate" distributor, nor aiding a Catholic conspiracy to foil integration.

He once again pointed to the record of the Archdiocese in the advocacy of integration. Monsignor John J. Egan, director of the office of Urban Affairs of the Catholic Bishop of Chicago, had challenged one of the University's former urban renewal plans thus incurring that institution's hostility. Monsignor Egan vigorously defended Alinsky from the University attack and summed up the attitudes of many religious leaders who have supported Alinsky in the following response to a question about why he had worked with the IAF: We felt the Church had to involve herself in helping people develop the tools which would enable them to come to grips with the serious economic, social, and moral problems which were affecting their lives, families, and communities.

We also knew that there was needed a tool which would enable them to participate in a dignified way in the democratic process and which would give them the training necessary for achieving in action the meaning of the democratic way of life and of realizing their human and divine dignity.

The Industrial Areas Foundation appeared to us to be the only organized force with the skill, experience, and integrity to supply these tools and organize in neighborhoods which had such a desperate need for them. And Alinsky credits himself with being the second most important Jew in the history of Christianity. When the City Plan Commission came up with its comprehensive program for the Woodlawn area in March of without having consulted the community, TWO independently hired a firm of city planners to examine the Commission's plan.

Jane Jacobs, nationally recognized planning expert, was so impressed with TWO's efforts that she agreed to become a special consultant. Jacobs secured the help of other planners to prepare proposals for the area that could be implemented without moving the present population out. Before the days of "maximum feasible participation" the residents of Woodlawn were asking to voice their opinions to the sociologists and planners supposedly concerned with their welfare.

Still, however, their existence was ignored by the University, until. Groups war with one another for years until brought together in his auspicious presence in some back room in the city hall. After a few hours of undisclosed activity everyone emerges smiling. In the Summer of Daley forced the Chancellor of the University to meet with representatives from TWO and to agree on a compromise which would create homes as others were demolished and afford TWO majority representation on the citizens planning committee.

One example of such a struggle was TWO's sponsorship of a mass bus ride to register voters at the city hall. On August 26, , more than two-thousand Woodlawn resident boarded buses for the ride downtown. They had been warned by the local machine politicians not to arrive en masse, but in the psychology of Chicago politics, a warning has the connotation of meaning that somebody is worried.

For the residents of Woodlawn the realization that they could affect the city administration was a revelation in line with what Alinsky regards the prime achievement of a concerted popular effort. For Alinsky, as for many of the participants, the fortysix buses were a manifestation of newly found dignity.

Men with dignity could attain some control over their lives as TWO continued to demonstrate in its fight for non-segregated schooling, decent housing, and sufficient police protection. Their tactics included picketing the School Board and suburban homes of slum landlords; filing suit against the Board of Education for their perpetuation of de facto segregation; publicly.

In many cases the abrasive tactics paid off with the cancellation of double shifts in the schools, the increased hiring of Negroes by city businesses, growing responsiveness from the machine politicians, and even some property repair. TWO by was a pressure group within the city. Its development had paralleled that segment of the civil rights struggle which reached its climax in the Civil Rights Act. Silberman considers TWO's greatest contribution to be "its most subtle: it gives Woodlawn residents the sense of dignity that makes it possible for them to accept help.

The gangs were involved in the planning and administration of the program, with some members drawing salaries as recruiters or instructors. The decision to include the gangs rather than merely dealing with individuals was dictated by conditions within Woodlawn.

The two gangs, among the most notorious in Chicago are bitter enemies whose wars have terrorized. TWO, if it were to maintain its legitimacy, had to contend with them. Fry, pastor of the First Presbyterian Church in Woodlawn. Although white, the Reverend Mr. Fry managed to gain the confidence of the Blackstone Rangers and offered them the use of church facilities.

His congregation agreed with his work and when the federal grant was awarded, the church became the center for the training programs. The political risks of such a program, bypassing City Hall and employing young "criminals", were obvious. Roman Pucinski. Then came the announcement early in June, , that the Permanent Investigations Subcommittee of the Senate Government Operations Committee would hold hearings to determine whether OEO funds were being used to buy peace on Chicago's south side by bribing the two gangs.

McClellan D. It was a predictable choice not only because of the existing hostility between city hall and TWO but also because of antagonism from the official community. There are obviously going to be gang members taking advantage of the federal money; and the investigators found them. There will also be community members dissatisfied with either the goals or the performance of the program for their own personal reasons; and the investigators found them.

Other groups in the city are going to resent the opportunity offered to the gangs through TWO; and they were certainly vocal about their damaged interests. And, of course, there is the political system which usually feels threatened by innovation; and McClellan rallied them. The hearings opened on June 20, amid headline-grabbing charges that the Reverend Mr. Fry aided the Rangers' illegal activities.

The central accusation made by an ex-Ranger chief, was that Fry had allowed the church to be used as an arsenal. Amid charges and countercharges the Reverend Arthur Brazier called the McClellan hearing a "political conspiracy to discredit a program conducted by a black community and controlled by black people.

Harding issued a statement on June 24, answering some of the allegations made during the hearings and said that "[W]e at OEO believe it imperative that some means be developed to reclaim these poor, hard-core youth Fry's earnest. Nathan Glazer has explained it saying that it is as if someone had been convinced by a sociologist that change and reform are spurred by conflict and decided that, since all good things can come from the American Government, it ought to provide conflict, too. TWO's control over a local program designed for obtaining jobs had shown some progress until the Washington manna arrived.

Operating with many of Alinsky's assumptions, OEO's effort stumbled under a proliferation of pressures. TWO, however, still exists despite the ravages of bureaucracies, Black Power demagogues, and internal conflicts. TWO's presence in the community and its autonomous cooperation with the neighborhood gangs is frequently credited for the lack of racial violence in Woodlawn. Before examining Alinsky's effect on the federal planning, one other example of independent organizing will be described because it adds to an understanding of Alinsky's strengths and weaknesses.

The riots, resulting in hundreds injured and. Such polarization between those who believed in him and those who denounced him as a hate-monger delighted Alinsky: "In order to organize, you must first polarize. People think of controversy as negative; they think consensus is better.

But to organize, you need a Bull Connor or a Jim Clark. For a variety of reasons they were initially surprised. First of all, there was no Bull Connor in Rochester and the city administration was not so stupid as Jim Clark. When the incipient FIGHT organization complained about housing or garbage pick-up, the city administration arranged a settlement.

The president, the Reverend Mr. Our first issue was that the public business can't be conducted in private, If their board went into private session, we would force our way in. They said to themselves, 'We'd better give those people something to shut them up.

The company with 40, nonunionized workers is the largest employer in the area. FIGHT charged Kodak with ignoring the needs of blacks, and asked the company to train Negro youths for semi-skilled positions. The President of Kodak in , William S. Mulder to handle the negotiations. On December 30, , Mulder and Florence signed this joint statement: "The FIGHT organization and Kodak agreed to an objective of the recruitment and referral to include screening and selection of unemployed people over a month period, barring unforeseen economic changes affecting the Rochester community.

There were immediate unforeseen changes but they were political rather than economic ones. Shortly before the joint statement, Vaughn had been made chairman of the board and Kodak's new President, Louis K. Eilers, publicly, reneged on the proposal. Eilers instead asked FIGHT to cooperate in a company project which he described as "the white hope for the poor of Rochester. James Ridgeway skillfully counterposed Florence's reaction to Eilers with Eilers' attitudes: 'They talk about America being a melting pot,' said Florence, 'but the question right now is not whether black can melt, but whether they can even get into the pot.

Community conflict is created by much talk, noise and pressure and the creation of confusion. It is more and more clear, however, that all the talk about unemployment is only an issue or device being used to screen what FIGHT is really doing--and that is making a drive for power in the community.

In every organizing effort his goal is to become dispensable as quickly as possible, and with FIGHT's strong black awareness, he left even more of the decisions to the FIGHT leadership. The need for a new strategy to use against Kodak brought Alinsky back into the fight.

Influenced by the white liberal support offered to FIGHT, he decided to "Fight Kodak" through stock proxies: "Liberals can go to cocktail parties and let their proxies do the work. He spoke to the National Council of Churches and. When the latter group voted its stock proxies behind FIGHT and against racism, 'senators and congressmen affected by church pressure became interested.

The company is supposedly waiting to see what happened with the Community Development Corporation Bill S , but at the rate that the ninety-first Congress is moving it could be a long wait. So there will not be a new plant built in the ghetto during the next few years; where does FIGHT turn next? This is still an unanswered question and for many black and white Rochester residents no longer an urgent one.

FIGHT leaders consider the organization's greatest accomplishment to be the new spirit with which it infused the black community. Evils of Urban Renewal," p. John J. Chaim I. That he greatly influenced the legislation seems evident. That he despises the effects of that legislation is undeniable. The key to the puzzle involves both Alinsky's effect on the poverty warriors and his response to them.

Daniel P. Moynihan who helped draft the original poverty legislation has described his understanding of the origins and failures of the community action programs in his book Maximum Feasible Misunderstanding. Moynihan writes in a spirited style but even his behind-the-scenes stance does not make his argument less confusing. He dissects the so-called "opportunity theory" articulated by Lloyd E. Ohlin and Richard A. Cloward both of the Columbia School of Social Work. He points to the theory as the basis for many of the premises underlying the Economic Opportunity Act.

If, as Moynihan states, "the central concept of each program MFY and OEO is that of opportunity"2 then what did the "maximum feasible participation" clause mean? Moynihan indirectly defines it in the following way: The community action title, which established the one portion of the program that would not be directly monitored from Washington, should provide for the 'maximum feasible participation of the residents of the areas and the members of the groups' involved in the local programs.

Subsequently this phrase was taken to sanction a specific theory of social change, and there were those present in Washington at the time who would have drafted just such language with precisely that object. Moynihan continues explaining that his understanding of the original purpose of the clause was to ensure the participation of persons, especially in the South, who were normally excluded from the political process.

Part of the trouble with Moynihan's analysis is that he defines neither "participation" nor "social change" as operative terms. There are, of course, rhetorical allusions to the need for men to play greater roles in shaping their own lives, and to the dire state of twentieth-century America. He echoes Gunnar Myrdal's warnings that the country has far to go in insuring democratic participation on all levels of the political system, but he concludes that the community action programs "with their singular emphasis on 'maximum feasible participation' of the poor themselves comprise the most notable effort to date to mount a systematic social response to the problem Myrdal outlined.

Frieden and Robert Morris did on alienation: 'Least convincing have been those analyses which have asserted that the fact of participation by the poor, in itself, will significantly alter the conditions deplored, as for example, the belief that civic participation in itself leads to a reduction in deviant behavior. What OEO and Moynihan seem to mean by "participation" involves the incorporation of the poor and "deviant".

In his appropriately titled article, "By or For the Poor? Through the Wagner Act, the workers got recognition; they used their new power to win economic benefits. In the same way, the maximum feasible participation clause in the OEO legislation promised recognition and thus power to the poor.

Moynihan occasionally acknowledges the incompatibility of legislating participatory planning i. One of these instances occurs in a long passage about Alinsky: The blunt reality is that sponsors of community action who expected to adopt the conflict strategy of Saul D. Alinsky and at the same time expected to be recipients of large sums of money, looked for, to paraphrase Jefferson, 'what never was and never will be. His influence on the formulation of the antipoverty program was not great. Indeed it was negligible, in that a primary motive of these efforts was to give things to the poor that they did not have.

Alinsky's law, laid down in Reveille for Radicals, which appeared in , was that in the process of social change there is no such thing as give, only take. True or not, by the time the community action programs began to be founded, he had behind him some three decades of organizing poor or marginal neighborhoods white as well as black and in every instance this process had taken the form of inducing conflict and fighting for power.

Was there not something to be learned here? Could it be that this is somehow the normal evolution once such an effort is begun? Alinsky's view was nothing if not explicit and public: social stability is a condition reached through negotiated compromise between power organizations. His origins, of course, are in the trade union movement, specifically the United Mine Workers. The problem of the poor is not only that they lack money, but that they lack power.

This means that they have no way of threatening the status quo, and therefore that there can be no social change until this organiz-. Organization first, antipoverty program second. Early in the life of the Office of Economic Opportunity, Alinsky was willing to contemplate that Federal funds, bypassing City Hall and channeled directly to indigenous organizations, might be used to bring such organizations into being.

But his own experience and practice belied any such possibility. Throughout his career he had begun his organizing campaigns with cash in hand, completely independent of the power structure with which he wished to bargain.

His entire analysis of the process of social chance argued that official community action programs would soon fall under the direction of City Hall. Shriver says he's done more for the Negro than we have. He's telling the truth. We've never done anything for the Negroes; we've worked with them. When the trainees organized slum dwellers against city agencies, the city government complained loudly to Washington and the funds were withdrawn.

The amendment also opened the way for concerted attacks on the high-risk programs such as TWO's. Moynihan reprints Alinsky's prognosis for the War on Poverty: Unless there are drastic changes in direction, rationale and administration, the anti-poverty program may well become the worst political blunder and boomerang of the present administration.

One of the arguments in Moynihan's book is that "social science is at its weakest, at its worst, when it offers theories of individual or collective behavior which raises the possibility, by controlling certain inputs, of bringing about mass behavioral change. Too much concern with process reaches a point, as is obvious, in a number of parts of this field, whereby the devotion to process has not only resulted in the loss of purpose, but it becomes an academic greenhouse for the nurturing of intellectual seedlings which could never grow in the hard, cold world outside.

Alinsky's speech about the War on Poverty went beyond pornography and process into areas where Moynihan treats softly, city hall patronage and welfare industry -centrism. Before the Green Amendment Alinsky observed that most city halls, acting through committees composed of the party faithful, controlled the local antipoverty funds. It seems as though "nowhere in this great land of ours is the opportunity more promising than in the Office of Economic Opportunity. For example, who was to select the one-third?

The welfare industry's vested interests naturally made it anxious to get a piece of the new action. Frequently the desire for involvement led welfare professionals into subverting those programs in which they had no part. First, I would have serious doubts about getting a poverty program to help and work with the poor until such a time as the poor through their own organized power would be able to provide bona fide legitimate representatives of their interests who would sit at the.

This means an organized poor possessed of sufficient power to threaten the status quo with disturbing alterations so that it would induce the status quo to come through with a genuine, decent meaningful poverty program. There is still a good argument that ideas first practiced by Alinsky influenced the actual writing of the legislation even though the authors might not have acknowledged him.

In February, , OEO issued a Community Action Program Guide attempting to define the ambiguous participation clause by strongly urging the involvement of poor people in political action. All too often the War on Poverty with confused intentions and armed with misinterpreted social theory fulfilled Moynihan's concluding description of the community action programs: " As a modelbuilder he is somewhat accountable for even the misguided application of that model.

There are also areas of action for which he is more directly responsible, so that any evaluation of Alinsky must include both his accomplishments and his methodology. Before discussing either, however, it is necessary to say something about the man himself. One of the primary problems with the Alinsky model is that the removal of Alinsky drastically alters its composition. Alinsky is a born organizer who is not easily duplicated, but, in addition to his skill, he is a man of exceptional charm.

The Economist article, calling him the "Plato on the Barricades," described it in this way: His charm lies in his ability to commit himself completely to the people in the room with him. In a shrewd though subtle way he often manipulates them while speaking directly to their experience. Still he is a man totally at ease with himself, mainly because he loves his work which always seems to be changing--new communities, new contests, new fights.

Although the long-term effectiveness of Alinsky's organizing efforts cannot yet be assessed, the Back of the Yards Neighborhood Council is a well-established community organization. As previously noted, the Council's democratic enthusiasm has yielded to chauvinistic defensiveness. Randomly selected issues of the Back of the Yards Journal illustrate the self-centered smugness of a neighborhood with political influence.

The Journal's pages, are filled with progress reports about area improvements sponsored jointly by the Council and City Hall. The Council's Executive Secretary, once Alinsky's fellow-radical, has held his position for over twenty-five years and, if the neighborhood does not "change" i.

Change is the key to the situation in Back of the Yards today just as it was in , only now the residents are the status quo. When a community is organized around the. Alinsky-organized areas have been, it is natural that self-interest remains the theme of that community's cohesion. The Council has through the years helped to superimpose an identity upon the area. John Haffner, who has worked for the Journal since it began, remembers the old "jungle" and is proud that few residents move from Back of the Yards.

Philip M. Hauser, head of the Department of Sociology at the University of Chicago, believes that "[t]he methods by which Alinsky organized TWO may actually have impeded the achievement of consensus and thus delayed the attaining of Woodlawn's true objectives.

Harold Foy, editor of Christian Century, and Dr. Foy's objections center on Alinsky's abrasive manner and avowed intention to alter the-existing balance of social power. He has charged Alinsky with encouraging "a political movement whose object is to establish control over urban society by raising up from its ruins a 'power structure' dictatorship based on slum dwellers"5 Such amorphous hysteria is characteristic of Dr Foy.

Reissman, however, presents a formidable critique in his article "The Myth of Saul Alinsky. The point is valid but of little significance since in any organization the leaders are among the most active members, and decision-making necessarily excludes some elements at times. A more critical question, which Reissman only implies involves the long-range effectiveness of recruited leaders.

The only visible national figure to emerge from an IAF endeavor is Caesar Chavez who began as an organizer. Reissman has a bettor argument when he moves from the internal structure of the local organizations to their activities. The question, as Reissman phrases it, is whether Alinsky politicizes an area or simply directs "people into a kind of dead-end local activism?

Perhaps, the Alinsky model's emphasis on local issues and goals determined locally diverts energies from wider or coalition organizations. Reissman postulates that Alinsky's opposition to large programs, broad goals, and ideology confuses even those who participate in the local organizations because they find no context for their actions. Yet, Reissman's proposed solution depends on the "organizer-strategist-intellectual" to "provide the connections, the larger-view that will Lead to the development of a movement.

The problems inherent in such an approach, including elitist arrogance and repressive intolerance, have become evident during recent university crises. The engineers of disruption, lacking Alinsky's flexibility in dealing with their "enemy" i. Conflicts then run the possibility of escalating into zerosum games where nobody wins. Although Alinsky, publicly dismissed the Reissman critique in , he began developing a coherent radical strategy to deal with the trends of the 's. Underlying criticism such as Hauser's and Reissman's is the debate over the merits of consensus and conflict both as a means for understanding social processes and for achieving social goal's.

Alinsky, the exemplary conflict advocate, dismisses the consensus theorists:. One thing we instill in all our organizers is that old Spanish-Civil War slogan: 'Better to die on your feet than to live on your knees,' Social scientists don't like to think in those terms. They would rather talk about politics being a matter of accommodation, consensus-and not this conflict business. This is academic drivel. How do you have consensus before you have conflict? There has to be a rearrangement of power and then you get consensus.

The juxtaposition of consensus and conflict has been a matter of dispute among social scientists since Plato. For our purposes we can join the debate during the 's, presupposing all that went before. During the 's the conflict theorists such as Lewis Coser followed up the work of men such as Georg Simmel in order to challenge the prevailing consensus orientation. Exemplifying this consensus orientation was Seymour Martin Lipset who writes in Political Man: Inherent in all democratic systems is the constant threat that the group conflicts which are democracy's life-blood may solidify to the point where they threaten to disintegrate the society.

Hence conditions which serve to moderate the intensity of partisan battle are among the key requisites of democratic government. For them, conflict is incompatible with structure, and organization is dependent on a consensus essential to social equilibrium. Irving Louis Horowitz in his article "Consensus, Conflict, and Co-operation" suggests that the consensus thinkers.

The most obvious distinction is internal and external conflict. Because Alinsky's concern centers on intergroup conflicts rather than intra-group ones, these remarks will be limited to the former types. The discriminating manner in which Coser handles inter-group conflicts can be seen in the following excerpts from the conclusion of The Functions of Social Conflict: In loosely structured groups and open societies, conflict, which aims at a resolution of tension between antagonists, is likely to have stabilizing and integrative functions for the relationship.

By permitting immediate and direct expression of rival claims, such social systems are able to readjust their structures by eliminating the sources of dissatisfaction A flexible society benefits from conflict because such behavior, by helping to create and modify norms, assures its continuance under changed conditions Since the outbreak of the conflict indicates a rejection of a previous accommodation between parties, once the respective power of the contenders has been ascertained through conflict, a new equilibrium can be established and the relationship can proceed on this new basis There is, however, a necessary qualification to be made regarding "realistic and "nonrealistic" conflict:.

Social conflicts that arise from frustrations of specific demands within a relationship and from estimates of gains of the participants, and that are directed at the presumed frustrating object, can be called realistic conflicts. Insofar as they are means toward specific results, they can be replaced by alternative modes of interaction with the contending party if such alternatives seem to be more adequate for realizing the end in view.

Nonrealistic conflicts, on the other hand, are not occasioned by the rival ends of the antagonists, but by the need for tension release of one or both of them. In this case the conflict is not oriented toward the attainment of specific results. Insofar as unrealistic conflict is an end in itself, insofar as it affords only tension release, the chosen antagonist can be substituted for by any other suitable target.

This conclusion is essential for our understanding of Alinsky's use of conflict. Although the People's Organizations once established engage more often in realistic than nonrealistic conflicts,18 their formation is largely a process of exploiting nonrealistic conflict.

It is during this process that Alinsky's critics accuse him of "rubbing raw the sores of discontent" without any specific goal in mind. Alinsky views the process as having several ends among which is the public airing of grievances: The very action of elevating these dormant hidden hostilities to the surface for confrontation and ventilation and conversion into problems is in itself a constructive and most important social catharsis.

The alternative would be the permitting of incessant accumulation and compounding of submerged frustrations, resentments and hostilities in large segments of our population; with the clogging of all channels for relief evolving a nightmarish setting for a probable backfiring of actions generated by irrational, vindictive hate with tragically destructive consequences to all parties.

Alinsky's conclusion that the "ventilation" of hostilities is healthy in certain situations is valid, but across-the-board "social catharsis" cannot be prescribed. Catharsis has a way of perpetuating itself so that it becomes an end in itself. Alinsky's psychodramatics have brought him attention and catalyzed organizational activity, but many sociologists, such as Professor Annemarie Shimony of Wellesley College, regard Alinsky as a showman rather than an activist.

Another criticism of Alinsky' s catharsis approach is the difficulty in applying it. Alinsky, the master showman, is able to orchestrate it, but other less-skilled organizers, such as the Reverend Mr. Fry, cannot maintain control. Many of the Alinsky-inspired poverty warriors could not discounting political reasons move beyond the cathartic first step of organizing groups "to oppose, complain, demonstrate, and boycott" to developing and running a program.

The answer in Coser's words is "the maintenance or continual readjustment of the balance of power. Recently the language of power has become more familiar among social analysts who have finally arrived at Alinsky's conclusion that the problems of the poor are more directly related to their lack of power than to their lack of money.

The book, Poverty: Power and Politics,. More accurately the problem is not one of "power" but of "powerlessness. Haggstrom in his essay on "the Power of the Poor" summarizes the approach to the problem of poverty based on the psychology of powerlessness; If the problem were only one of a lack of money, it could be solved through provision of more and better paying jobs for the poor, increased minimum wage levels, higher levels of welfare payments, and so on.

There would be, in that case, no real need for the poor to undertake any social action on their own behalf. This view is consistent with the idea that the poor are unable to participate in and initiate the solution of their own problems. However, since it is more likely that the problem is one of powerlessness, joint initiative by the poor on their own behalf should precede and accompany responses from the remainder of society. In practice this initiative is likely to be most effectively exercised by powerful conflict organizations based in neighborhoods of poverty.

One of the people who now recognizes the anachronistic nature of small autonomous conflict organizations is Alinsky himself. Those who build models frequently leave their obsolescent ruins behind them for others to play with while they begin building anew. Alinsky's evolution within the context of the last thirty years places in relief America's great challenge: the search. The decline of the neighborhood has been occurring since the turn of the century, slowing somewhat during the Depression then accelerating after the war.

Accompanying the decline of the traditional neighborhood as a living unit were the massive centralization of power on the federal level and the growth of the suburbs. Federal centralization reduced local and state power, while mushrooming suburbs resulted in a form of power schizophrenia in which the urban areas remained the centers of business and culture only at the mercy of commuters.

Thus, we find ourselves in the middle of an urban crisis which is really a crisis of community power. Kenneth Boulding views the problem in the perspective of the international system and sees: The crux of the problem is that we cannot have community unless we have an aggregate of people with some decisionsmaking power.

The impotence of the city, perhaps its very inappropriateness as a unit is leading to its decay. Its impotence arises, as I have suggested earlier, because it is becoming a mere pawn in economic, political, and military decision-making. The outlying suburb is actually in better shape. It is easier for a relatively small unit to have some sense of community, and the suburb at least has a little more control over its own destiny Its local government, its school board, and other community agencies often are able to gather a considerable amount of support and interest from the people they serve.

If, he might argue, an aggregate is impotent then there is need for arousing the individuals in that aggregate to exercise their citizenry power. The next question then becomes, against whom would the conflict be directed? The complicated overlapping layers comprising our interdependent urban areas today makes it difficult to single out an "enemy. The target shifted from the teacher's union to the School Board to the state to the Ford Foundation and around again. The lack of a clear-cut enemy against whom to mobilize underscored the lack of a community capable of mobilization.

Yet, perhaps, the conflict theorist might continue his argument by suggesting that the problem is not in the model but in those applying it. With the "right" organizers, such as Alinsky, would it not be possible to organize a community utilizing conflict and participation?

Many critics of Alinsky's work there believe that the end result is merely a "better ghetto. The conditions of slum-bound blacks in our Northern cities is enmeshed in what the Kerner Commission referred to as "institutional racism. Interestingly, this society seems to be in a transition period, caught between conflict and consensus. The closest parallel might be the 's when a changing, but still coherent consensus withstood the assaults of outcast groups. Although labor fomented conflict, its goal was always a share of the American Dream.

The lack of radicalism in the American labor movement should not surprise anyone who studies the effect that this country's phenomenal growth had on forming the ethos and expectations of the people. In Coser's terms, the labor conflicts were realistic and eventually accommodated because institutions were flexible. During the years since World War II, our institutions have become less flexible under their managerial weight, and the conflicts less realistic.

Men still want jobs, but they now demand "meaning" in the jobs they receive. Just because such a demand would have been ludicrous in the jobless thirties the analogy with that era cannot be drawn too closely. Being in the middle of a transition obscures one's ability to assess it.

One such element is the role of participation. Today, nothing is so certain as we wonder just what it is we are participating in. With convincing eloquence John Gardner has argued that the United States has evolved into a society operating on the "beehive model" that locks individuals into tasks that seen isolated and meaningless.

The primary visible conflict today is racial with most of our urban problems having racial aspects. Any attempt to specify a conflict cannot help but touch on the larger issues of racism and segregation. Once those issues are raised settlement becomes increasingly difficult, as illustrated in Roger Fisher's work on "fractionating conflict.

Yet, as our "two societies" move further apart contrived conflict serves to exacerbate the polarization. Horowitz labels the element needed during this transition "cooperation" and Alinsky would agree. Alinsky's realizations that the fight against reaction continues in Back of the Yards; that TWO's conflict orientation backfired; and that FIGHT needed its proxy-voting friends signaled his rethinking the idea of community and devising new strategies to achieve democratic equality.

Sherrard and. Richard C. Edmonds, "Gardner Urges U. Although his basic premises, such as the primacy of power and the unavoidability of a relative morality are unchanged, his approach to the problem of redistributing power has shifted since his days as a labor organizer. These shifts are not easily categorized, but they fall into two broad areas; his rethinking the meaning of community and the role of centralized national planning in social change.

A long time ago, probably with the advent of the car, we came to the end of the definable area. People no longer really live their lives in neighborhoods. We have political subdivisions which are things out of the past, lines on the maps; we are still involved with this idea. But the life of the people is something else. We are going to have to find out where it really is and how to organize it.

The inquiry is really a two-part one: Why, since industrial man found the "good life" does he seem to have lost himself, and where do we go from here? For Alinsky, the two are connected with the modern search for community. The central problem in the late twentieth century according to Alinsky is the maintenance and development of that political mechanism which carries the best promise for a way of life that would enable individuals to secure their identity, have the opportunity to grow and achieve being as free men in fact, men willing to make decisions and bear their consequences.

Alinsky continues: Most people have been and are fearful to pay this price for freedom, and so freedom has largely been freedom to avoid these responsibilities. The free man is one who would break loose from the terrestrial, chronological existence of security and status and take off into the adventure which is life with its passions, drama, risks, dangers, creative joys, and the ability to change with change.

Alinsky simplifies the matter by concentrating on the actualization of traditional democratic ideals. He advocates belief in man's ability to govern himself and the importance of voluntarism in a free society. These are old ideas, old for Western man and old for Alinsky, but he injects them into a revised model emphasizing middle-class organizing and coalition building. Alinsky's prescription for the poor helping themselves was to motivate the powerless to acquire the necessary skills and knowledge.

His belief that the poor can translate apathy into power and then use that power responsibly has, in some cases, proven true. In others, the transition has been dysfunctional either for the community or for the cause of radical change. Often the application of the Alinsky model in geographically-bound lower class areas assumes an almost bootstrap formula which is too conservative for our present situation.

A People's Organization of local organizations can at best create new levels of harmony among its members and secure a few material gains. It is not oriented toward harmonizing competing metropolitan interests in a concert of governmental restructuring. Part of the reason why it is so ill-equipped is the lack of vision Reissman mentioned. Attempts at articulating vision led Alinsky away from the jungles and ghettoes to the suburbs, because it is futile to discuss "vision" with a man not yet materially sated or frightened of losing the property he possesses.

They, who control the consumer market and the voting box, are bewildered by their children and the wars fought on television screens. The middle class is fertile ground for organizing and, Alinsky thinks, radicalizing. The frustration in the suburban ghettoes, frequently directed at those even less powerful, could be channeled into achieving radical goals. The Secret, as in any organizing, is that such goals must be perceived as paralleling self-interest.

A good organizer could direct the process of perception as Alinsky did in convincing stockholders to use their proxies to influence corporate policy. Or ho could organize around. There is no lack of issues; what is missing are politically sophisticated organizers. Alinsky plans on erasing that lack with organizers trained in his new school.

Appendix II. The Institute's purpose is described on the fact sheet as eventually developing mass power based organizations, which sounds much the same as what Alinsky has been doing. However, during discussions with Alinsky, he explained the Institute's orientation differently. What is similar throughout the network is the goal of radicalization.

A network setup would be particularly suited for the political organizing of an entire city. On the city level the obvious first step is cooperation between already existing community organizations in order to pursue certain shortrange goals. Generally the structure and vision of the organizations will have to be radically altered to permit such joint efforts.

One of Alinsky's plans for the Institute is to send trainees back into Back of the Yards to organize against the organization he set up. If such reorganization proved successful and if organizers could revitalize TWO's openness to the white community, the groups might cooperate in some mutually beneficial venture.

One possibility recommended by a Council worker. When one moves beyond the city and local issues, the idea of independant national organizing seems impossible. The Depression demonstrated the feasibility of federally controlled planning and a massive war effort convinced us of its necessity.

Now we are no longer so convinced. Cries for "decentralization" are attacking the roots of the managerial garrison state. They are not easily ignored nor easily interpreted. Decentralization and democracy are not synonymous as those who use the words interchangeably would have us believe. There are still too many inequalities in our system for political scientists or demonstrating students to adopt the "doing one's own thing" theory of participation.

Alinsky, ever consistent in his inconsistency, recently expanded his radical commitment to the eradication of powerless poverty and the injection of meaning into affluence. His new aspect, national planning, derives from the necessity of entrusting social change to institutions, specifically the United States Government.

Alinsky's trust in the "people" must be distinguished from his distrust of the status quo and the people who make up that mysterious condition. There are certain structures, institutions, the Post Office for one, that must be used. His supplementary plans call for federally-financed work projects on the order of the TVA. Alinsky, when asked by Daniel P. Moynihan to work with the new Nixon administration, grandiosely offered Moynihan his plans for solving the urban-crisis, the destruction of the environment, and the dissatisfaction of the citizenry.

He urged the establishment of work projects in the Southwest to bring water to that area, in the Middle West to save the Great Lakes, in the Mississippi Valley to prevent flooding and in any other part of the country where men and money are needed to counteract modernity's assault on the land. He never heard from the White House again. The need for workers could be filled from among the un- and under-employed in the cities. The model integrated communities constructed to house the workers would be self-governing.

The projects, administered by bureaucrats and staffed by credentialed experts, would provide attractive recompense and job satisfaction to lure people away from the megalopoli. The TVA-like proposals, reminiscent of Senator Eugene McCarthy's Presidential campaign, stand about moving people out of the ghettoes, have little chance of over being legislated. Must definitions perhaps be as fluid as the actions they purport to describe? Alinsky would answer affirmatively.

In spite of his being featured in the Sunday New York Times and living a comfortable, expenses-paid life, he considers himself a revolutionary. In a very important way he is. If the ideals Alinsky espouses were actualized, he result would be social revolution.

Ironically, this is not a disjunctive projection if considered in the tradition of Western democratic theory. As such, he has been feared - just as Eugene Debs or Walt Whitman or Martin Luther King has been feared, because each embraced the most radical of political faiths -democracy.

Both times he was generous with ideas and interest. His offer of a place in the new Institute was tempting but after spending a year trying to make sense out of his inconsistency, I need three years of legal rigor. Haffner, John. Reporter on the Back of the Yards Journal who represents the views of his neighbors regarding the community's future in conservatively chauvinistic terms.

January, , in Chicago. Hoffman, Nicholas von. One of the best of Alinsky's organizers and now a superb writer for the Washington Post. Talked with him by telephone in Washington in October. He was both helpful and provocative. Ryan, Phyllis. Her honesty about conditions in the area as well as her obvious distress over them contributed greatly to my understanding of the situation. Shimony, Annemarie. Professor in the Department of Sociology at Wellesley College.

Shimony criticized Alinsky's method during our conversation in March, , helping me to focus my own opinions. Books and Speeches Alinsky, Saul D. Reveille for Radicals. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, Waxman, pp. Coser, Lewis. The Functions of Social Conflict. New York: The Free Press, Derry, John W.

The Radical Tradition. London: MacMillan, Fisher, Roger. Roger Fisher, pp. New York: Basic Books, Inc. Glazer, Nathan. Haggstrom, Warren C. Horowitz, Irving Louis. Peterson, pp. Kopkind, Andrew. Lipset, Seymour Martin. Political Man. Miller, S. Moynihan, Daniel P. Maximum Feasible Misunderstanding. Raab, Earl. Silberman, Charles E. Crisis in Black and White. New York: Random House, Simmel, Georg. Conflict and the Web of Intergroup Affiliations. Anderson, Patrick.

Astor, Gerald. Boulding, Kenneth E. Dodson, Dan. Eagan, John J. Very Rev. Menuez, D. Reissman, Frank. Rose, Stephen C. Sanford, David. Honors theses from roughly a dozen departments — including history, psychology and English — are archived in the John Hay Library and are open to the public.

Associate Professor of Public Policy Ross Cheit, who advises public policy concentrators writing theses, said papers in disciplines involving theoretical analysis, such as philosophy and political science, are more likely to generate controversy than the case study analyses public policy concentrators write. How well is the food stamp program implemented in Rhode Island? Some political science concentrators leave theses with professors, she said, but that is not required.

Gaidmore said a few philosophy theses are on hand at the Hay. To stay up-to-date, subscribe to our daily newsletter. Comments are closed. If you have corrections to submit, you can email The Herald at herald browndailyherald. As Providence defrosts from a winter of isolation and cold, the sun sets later and Brunonians can bask in the sun for a little longer. Designed by.

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THESIS INTRODUCTION ABOUT COMPUTERS

He is supported in his prognosis by conflict analysts such as Lewis Coser who points out in The Functions of Social Conflict that: Conflict with other groups contributes to the establishment and reaffirmation of the group and maintains its boundaries against the surrounding social world.

This has been the rationale of nationalist groups historically and among American blacks presently. The organizer plays a significant role in precipitating and directing a community's conflict pattern. As Alinsky views this role, the organizer is When those who represent the status quo label you [i. Some of his critics compare Alinsky's tactics with those of various hate groups such as lynch mobs which also "rub raw the resentments of the people. During his first organizing venture in Back of the Yards he ran into opposition from many liberals who, although agreeing with his goals, repudiated his tactics.

They wore according to Alinsky "like the folks during the American Revolution who said 'America should be free but not through bloodshed. Unfortunately, the war-like rhetoric can obscure the constructiveness of the conflict Alinsky orchestrates. In addition to aiding in formation of identity, conflict between groups plays a creative social role by providing a process through which diverse interests are adjusted.

To induce conflict is a risk because there is no guarantee that it will remain controllable. Alinsky recognizes the risk he takes but believes it is worth the gamble if the conflict process results in the restructuring of relationships so as to permit the enjoyment of greater freedom among men meeting as equals.

Only through social equality can men determine the structure of their own social arrangements. He thinks it is only through accepting ourselves as we "really" are that we can begin to practice "real" morality: There are two roads to everything--a low road and a high one. The high road is the easiest. You just talk principles and be angelic regarding things you don't practice. The low road is the harder.

It is the task of making one's self-interest behavior moral behavior. We have behaved morally in the world in the past few years because we want the people of the world on our side. When you get a good moral position, look behind it to see what is self-interest. But he believes that the man who intends to act in the worldas-it-is must not be misled by illusions of the world-as-we-would-like-it-tobe.

He believes that if men were allowed to live free from fear and want they would live in peace. He also believes that only men with a sense of their own worth and a respect for the commonality of humanity will be able to create this new world. Therefore, the main driving force behind his push for organization is the effect that belonging to a group working for a common purpose has had on the men he has organized. Frustration is transformed into confidence when men recognize their capability for contribution.

The sense of dignity is particularly crucial in organizational activity among the poor whom Alinsky warns to beware of programs which attack only their economic poverty. Welfare programs since the New Deal have neither redeveloped poverty areas nor even catalyzed the poor into helping themselves. A cycle of dependency has been created which ensnares its victims into resignation and apathy. This action would have dramatized what he refers to as the "colonialism" and the "Peace Corps mentality" of the poverty program.

Charles Silberman in his book, Crisis in Black and White describes Alinsky's motivation in terms of his faith in People: The essential difference between Alinsky and his enemies is that Alinsky really believes in democracy; he really believes that the helpless, the poor, the badly-educated can solve their own problems if given the chance and the means; he really believes that the poor and uneducated, no less that the rich and educated, have the right to decide how their lives should be run and what services should be offered to them instead of being ministered to like children.

Yet, Alinsky's belief and devotion is radical; democracy is still a radical idea in a world where we often confuse images with realities, words with actions. Alinsky, private interview in Boston, Massachusetts, October, Alinsky, private interview in Wellesley, Massachusetts, January One, the "Alinsky-type protest" is "an explosive mixture of rigid discipline, brilliant showmanship, and a street fighter's instinct for ruthlessly exploiting his enemy's weakness.

It is difficult to discuss these two components separately because they are woven into the organizational pattern according to situational necessity. Some organizational situations need the polarizing effect of "rubbing raw the sores of discontent" while others with welldefined resentments need leaders.

Another distinctive feature of the Alinsky method as mentioned in the previous chapter is the use of military language. As Silberman points out, such language is appropriate for groups engaged in "war-like" struggles for But how do you gain a victory before you have an army? The only method ever devised is guerrilla warfare: to avoid a fixed battle where the forces are arrayed and where the new army's weakness would become visible, and to concentrate instead on hit-and-run tactics designed to gain small but measurable victories.

Hence the emphasis on such dramatic actions as parades and rent strikes whose main objective is to create a sense of solidarity and community. As has been sug-. There are, however, tactical guidelines which can be applied in order to fulfill the following criteria of an Alinsky organization: a It is rooted in the local tradition, the local indigenous leadership, the local organizations and agencies, and, in short, the local people.

The program is in actual fact that series of common agreements which results in the development of the local organization. It involves a substantial degree of individual citizen participation; a constant day to day flow of volunteer activities and the daily functioning of numerous local committees charged with specific short-term functions. It avoids, at all costs, circumscribed and segmental programs which in turn attract the support of only a segment of the local population.

For the same reason it does not shy away from involvement in matters of controversy. The organization itself proceeds on the idea of channeling the many diverse forces of self-interest within the community into a common direction for the common good and at the same time respects the autonomy of individuals and organizations. This not only testifies to its representative character in that the local residents support their own organization financially, but insures to the local council the acid test of independence: 'the ability to pay one's way.

Discussing Alinsky's tactics apart from his actions is like discussing current theories of international relations without mentioning Vietnam. We will consider three of the organizations which Alinsky helped build. The first of the three is the Back of the Yards Neighborhood Council which is the prototype community organization dating back to the late 's.

Alinsky's involvement with the Council led to the establishment of the Industrial Areas Foundation which subsequently coordinated other organizing activities. One of the most important of these was The Woodlawn Organization, a black community group in Chicago. Alinsky frequently encounters blacks who view Alinsky's efforts as just one more example of white man's power politics game. He tells such critics that, "Sunglasses, Swahili, and soul food won't win power for blacks.

This area, Back of the Yards, was bigamously wedded to the meat-packing industry and the Roman Catholic Church. The meat factories provided jobs and the Church ministered to the spiritual and social needs of its parishioners. The waves of Polish, Slovak, and Irish immigrants before World I, and Mexican immigration after, supplied both workers and parishioners. The immigrants also successively lowered the wage scale and fragmented the Church into bickering nationalistic divisions.

The area's depressed economy was accompanied by acute environmental problems such as overcrowded housing, insufficient sanitation, unpaved streets, few recreational facilities, high delinquency and crime rates, and inadequate schools. Alinsky's experiences in the Back of the Yards formed the basis for his approach to organizing, but they are difficult to trace.

Most of the information related to Alinsky's role in the formulation of the Neighborhood Council comes from Alinsky. He gives a third person account in Reveille for Radicals, and he is always ready to reminisce about that experience. Evelyn Zygmuntowicz's account of the formation of the Council, which is considered "authoritative" by the present members of the Council, does not mention Alinsky once by name except in the bibliography.

When questioned about the omission in the Zygmuntowicz thesis, Alinsky attributed it to his great success in building an organization which did not need him. It is generally accepted among organizers, reporters, and academics that Alinsky was the moving force behind the struggle. An examination of the available material about the Council's formation affirms that assumption. The organization of the Back of the Yards began at a meeting in the local YWCA to plan a community recreational program.

Before the meeting in the Spring of the Back of the Yards had been the scene of various community projects initiated by settlement houses, the Church, and unions. The Packinghouse Workers Organizing Committee, an affiliate of the CIO, began organizing the employees of Swift, Armour, Wilson, and the other meat houses with relatively little opposition.

The lack of management opposition might have been anticipated since by the late 's many of the companies started moving out of the Chicago Yards. The success of the union organizing encouraged others both in and out of the community. For fifty years we have waited for someone to offer a solution-but nothing--has happened. Today we know that we ourselves must face and solve these problems. We know what poor housing, unemployment, and juvenile delinquency means; and we are sure that if a way is to be found we can and must find it.

We have stopped waiting. We churchmen, businessmen, and union men have formed the Back of the Yards Neighborhood Council. This Council is inviting representatives of all the organizations--church, business, social, fraternal, and labor to participate in a conference For example, he never approached a Catholic priest in terms of Christian ethics but on the basis of self-interest such as the welfare of this Church, even its physical property.

Shiel, D. Then hostility between the Church and the unions lessened as both recognized the necessity of cooperation. The primary question was, however, "cooperation" for what? The By-Laws of the Council adopted May, idealistically stated that When people talk about Back of the Yards today, some of them use lines like 'rub resentments raw' to describe my organizing methods. Now do you think when I went in there or when I go into a Negro community today I have to tell then that they're discriminated against?

Do you think I go in there and get them angry? Don't you think they have resentments to begin with, and how much rawer can rub them? What happens when we some in? We say 'Look, you don't have to take this; there is something you can do about it. You can get jobs, you can break the Segregation patterns. But you have to have power to do it, and you'll only get it through. Because power just goes to two poles--to those who've got money, and those who've got people. You haven't got money, so your own fellowmen are your only source of power.

Now the minute you can do something about it You're active. And all of a sudden you stand up. That's what happened in Back Of the Yards. The Neighborhood Council's two immediate goals, to achieve economic security and to improve the local environment, catapulted it into a power struggle with the meat companies. Lewis's lead and interfere in any way with the war effort.

During the War the Council did solidify its support among all groups it constitutionally represented. Organized business, for example, had been catalogued among the members of the Council but did not officially form The Back of the Yards Businessmen's Association until Local residents were kept informed of each other's resentments through a community newspaper, the Back of the Yards Journal. The Journal still operates on a cooperative basis with the owner and a special board of governors, representative of the Council, controlling the weekly paper's policy.

The organization the Council and its early achievements in consolidating power particularly impressed Bishop Sheil. After the first annual Community Congress in he described it as "one of the most vivid demonstrations of the democratic process that I have ever witnessed.

Coordinated through the Council, the Churches opened soup lines and child care centers; businessmen supplied food; landlords ignored unpaid rents; physicians offered free services. The Illinois legislature heard that loud voice when the Council voted in to lead a city-wide sales tax strike against the state administration's proposed cut in ADC funds.

As the Council's political sophistication increased, it moved beyond the tactical level of demonstrating community solidarity, manipulating public pressure, and threatening uncooperative residents with ostracism. In a confrontation with the city's Health and Building Commissioners over its enforcement of the housing codes, the Council's Housing Committee compiled enough statistics to embarrass the housing authorities and prepared to release them to the newspapers.

As a threat is often as effective as action, houses were repaired. The Council also took legal action against the Pennsylvania Railroad on behalf of the residents whose health and property were damaged from engine smoke, and against the meat factories whose stench fouled the air. The Railroad was fined by the Municipal Court of Chicago and the packers were forced to construct buildings to house their garbage.

In addition to each of its varied activities, the Council assumed an educational function by carefully explaining every project to the residents. Occasionally the educative process was an end in itself as in the case of the Council's efforts to introduce basic facts of nutrition to the community. During the Spring of nutrition was discussed at union meetings, in Sunday sermons, and at school assemblies. No resident could move through his neighborhood without being reminded to drink his orange juice.

Although financial experts explained the credit operation, the union was managed by Council members who gained their expertise through action. While the achievements of the Council are great in themselves, underlying each individual achievement is the thread of the most important objective that we are working toward By that I mean participation. I mean the recognition on the part of the people that democracy is a way of life which can only be sustained through the part of the people.

Only when the people recognize that theirs is the decision, the right, and the duty to shape their own life, only then will democracy expand and grow. That is why the cardinal keynote of the Back of the Yards Neighborhood Council is: 'We, the people will work out our own destiny. However, much of the community's influence is traceable not to its "burning passion" but to its most illustrious resident, Mayor Richard J.

Mayor Daley's assumption of political power in the early 's. Many of the Mayor's staff are also residents and share the Mayor's loyalty to the neighborhood. Whatever one may say about Daley, he has a genuine concern for the "forgotten" white? As he said in , If we had in every neighborhood, in every community, an organization such as yours we would have a much better city The efforts to solve our problems must come from the leadership of the community which is so excellently displayed in your great organization.

The leadership and the solution must come from a willingness of the people to participate in solving their problems. No governmental body What a great picture of the final essence of American government this presents. The businessmen, the religious leaders, the teachers, all sitting down together, all trying to find the answers, trying to do something to help better their community.

The lower class white workers in the area feel threatened by the accelerating pace of social change. They fear the loss of their factory or clerical jobs to automation and their homes to Negroes. The Council's ability to fulfill most of the residential needs had locked the neighborhood so that few residents ever leave.

One criticism of the Alinsky method is that such strong community organizations tend to "nail down" a neighborhood, retarding social and political development. The collective manifestation of such retardation is reactionary, segregationist politics. Alinsky recognized such tendencies in the Autumn of when he walked through the neighborhood seeing Wallace posters and "White Power" slogans on fences and car bumpers.

He fought against and for them once and may do so again. The Roman Catholic Church as well as the meat industry provided a cohesiveness to the community which facilitated attempts at mobilization. Various social pressures accompanying the Depression opened possibilities for entrance into the political structure to groups such as labor. The Depression itself produced widespread questioning of the assumptions underlying existing social conditions which legitimized popular efforts to change them.

And the War years were good ones for organizing simultaneously against fascism at home as well as engendering community spirit. All in all, many of the problems associated with community organizing in the 's were not cause for anxiety in Back of the Yards. There was, for example, little questioning of the traditionally accepted meaning of "community" as "a group whose members occupy a given territory within which the total round of life can be pursued.

Its inapplicability, however, was not fully apparent as Alinsky continued his organizing efforts through the 's. Operating with territorially defined assumptions, he applied his model to poor areas all over the world. There is little information regarding the actual organizing situations between and , and Alinsky is vague about them. One of the most, significant of IAF's efforts during these years is the Community.

Service Organization, a coalition of approximately thirty Mexican-American communities in California. Alinsky's base of operations, the IAF, remained in Chicago, and his involvements there led eventually to organizing the Woodlawn section of Chicago. The organization of Woodlawn typifies many of the problems of the 's just as Back of the Yards did in the 's. Overcrowded, dilapidated housing, an increasing crime rate, high unemployment, characterized Woodlawn in as "the sort of obsolescent, decaying, crowded neighborhood which social workers and city planners assume can never help itself.

The deterioration of the community, located in an oblong area south of the University of Chicago, began during the Depression and accelerated after World War II, so that by the only people benefiting from the area were absentee slum landlords. Many groups especially ministers, tried to "stem the tide of slum culture" but with very limited success. The Chicago Defender, a Negro newspaper, in its series entitled "The Battle of Woodlawn" characterized the threat as follows:.

In the century since the Negro won freedom from slavery in America, the battle for freedom has never ceased and a variety of racial organizations his run the gauntlet of devious bans But nothing has been more difficult to contend with than the newest strategy of racial discrimination introduced in the past decade Called urban renewal, it has been difficult to fight because its idea is basically good--tear down the slums and build new homes But the experience of a decade has demonstrated beyond doubt that in many cases urban renewal has meant Negro removal And increasingly as urban renewal spread, the question in the community has been: how do you fight a bulldozer and crane?

In the Spring of this question brought together a group of three Protestant ministers and one Catholic priest determined to do whatever they could to preserve the community. The action of these religious leaders was indicative of their times. As Alinsky observed in , The biggest change I've seen in the twenty years or so that I've been involved in social action is the role the churches are playing.

Back in the 's and 40's an organizer might expect to got some help from the. There wasn't a church in sight. But today they have really moved into the social arena, the political arena. They have taken over the position organized labor had a generation ago. They are the big dominant force in civil rights. He turned away the original small group, telling them to return when they had a more representative committee and sufficient financial resources to support organizing activity.

The emphasis on financing is Alinsky's version of the "sink or swim" doctrine. A community which can first organize to achieve financial indexappendence has already begun to fight. The clergymen returned as members of the Greater Woodlawn Pastor's Alliance with support from many secular groups and with grants from the Catholic Archdiocese of Chicago, the United Presbettering Board of Missions and the Emil Schwartzhaupt Foundation.

In addition. Alinsky was persuaded to move into the miasma of black inequality, white racism, city politics, university selfishness, and federal indifference. But, just how does one organize a miasma? The organizing followed the flexible pattern of first sending IAF field men into the neighborhood to discover grievances, and to spot the elusive "indigenous" leaders, and then bringing the leaders together to plan action involving the community in a demonstration of power.

Nicholas von Hoffman, the original field representative, answers the question about beginning offhandedly: "I found myself at the corner of Sixty-third and Kimbark and I looked around. That blacks themselves recognized the void was pointed out by a staff member of the original Temporary Woodlawn Organization TWO in explaining the primary aim of TWO: We're trying to say to Negroes across the city, once you wake up and start fighting back for true representation and begin to criticize and go after the next politicians who do not stand for what you want, then other Negroes who have been intimidated and frightened will overcome their fears.

Once a small group of Negroes really are emancipated--psychologically and fundamentally emancipated--and begin to fight without fear for their full constitutional rights you'll have more than the seeds of a general social revolution. You'll have the beginning of one. During the early canvassing of the neighborhood to discover grievances, von Hoffman and others had heard many complaints regarding the local merchants who overcharged an short weighted their customers' purchases. Most of the merchants patronized by the community were in the area and could be directly affected through economic pressure.

The Square Deal campaign was publicized by a big parade through the Woodlawn shopping district, and by public weighings of packages suspected of being falsely marked. What TWO really needed, according to the Alinsky prescription, was an enemy in order to translate community interest into community action. The University of Chicago unwittingly fulfilled that role with its announcement on July 19, , that it intended to extend its campus south into Woodlawn.

There had been a history of hostility between the University and the community over the University's Negro removal tactics in other south side areas, and over its general disdain for the problems of the black slums. The University for its part, saw itself as one of the few firstrate attributes of the entire city necessarily possessing a longer-range vision than that held by a present-oriented populace.

The University, with the support of the Mayor and business groups, was accustomed to having its way and expected no more than a few protests in response to its announcement. Before the creation of TWO there had been few protests. One of the characteristics of what Silberman refers to as the "life style" of a slum is its pervasive apathy.

Personal experience with city politics in Chicago during the years demonstrated to me the arbitrary power which many politicians hold over their constituents. Welfare checks can be withheld because of "Unacceptable behavior.

How could an individual, even if supported by friends, risk the loss of a patronage job for some abstract principle when the tangible fact of a family's needs faced him? Silberman summarizes the conditions afflicting Woodlawn and still affecting our nation's slums: Quite frequently, therefore, the apathy that characterizes the slum represents what in many ways is a realistic response to a hostile environment. But realistic or not, the adjustment that is reached is one of surrender to the existing conditions and abdication of any hope of change.

The result is a community seething with inarticulate resentments and dormant hostilities repressed for safety's sake, but which break out every now and then in some explosion of deviant or irrational behavior. The slum dwellers are incapable of acting, or even joining, until these suppressed resentments and hostilities are brought to the surface where they can be seen as problems--i.

The University insensitively refused the request. TWO then demanded that the usually acquiescent city defer its approval of the University plans until city planners worked out a comprehensive prospectus on Woodlawn's future. TWO accompanied its demand with the threat of demonstrators lying in front of bulldozers and hundreds of demonstrators at a City Plan Commission hearing. The University, probably with private assurances from the city officials, still did not take TWO seriously and continued alienating the Woodlawn residents.

One example of their political ineptitude occurred in the treatment accorded local businessmen. Businessmen are not usually the ardent backers of community action since it is aimed at the status quo that supports them, but after being insulted by spokesmen from the University at an informational gathering called to explain the proposed expansion, the Woodlawn Businessman's Association voted unanimously to join TWO's fight.

The attack, outlined in Silberman and other articles, was a strange one to launch in Chicago, as its primary thrust concerned the IAF is involvement with the Catholic Church. In a city whose leadership is publicly Roman Catholic, it makes little sense to fault a man for being "involved" with the Church. It is true, as University publicity men pointed out to the city newspapers, that Catholic groups had aided Alinsky's work since , but never under the delusion that they were aiding a "hate" distributor, nor aiding a Catholic conspiracy to foil integration.

He once again pointed to the record of the Archdiocese in the advocacy of integration. Monsignor John J. Egan, director of the office of Urban Affairs of the Catholic Bishop of Chicago, had challenged one of the University's former urban renewal plans thus incurring that institution's hostility. Monsignor Egan vigorously defended Alinsky from the University attack and summed up the attitudes of many religious leaders who have supported Alinsky in the following response to a question about why he had worked with the IAF: We felt the Church had to involve herself in helping people develop the tools which would enable them to come to grips with the serious economic, social, and moral problems which were affecting their lives, families, and communities.

We also knew that there was needed a tool which would enable them to participate in a dignified way in the democratic process and which would give them the training necessary for achieving in action the meaning of the democratic way of life and of realizing their human and divine dignity.

The Industrial Areas Foundation appeared to us to be the only organized force with the skill, experience, and integrity to supply these tools and organize in neighborhoods which had such a desperate need for them. And Alinsky credits himself with being the second most important Jew in the history of Christianity. When the City Plan Commission came up with its comprehensive program for the Woodlawn area in March of without having consulted the community, TWO independently hired a firm of city planners to examine the Commission's plan.

Jane Jacobs, nationally recognized planning expert, was so impressed with TWO's efforts that she agreed to become a special consultant. Jacobs secured the help of other planners to prepare proposals for the area that could be implemented without moving the present population out. Before the days of "maximum feasible participation" the residents of Woodlawn were asking to voice their opinions to the sociologists and planners supposedly concerned with their welfare.

Still, however, their existence was ignored by the University, until. Groups war with one another for years until brought together in his auspicious presence in some back room in the city hall. After a few hours of undisclosed activity everyone emerges smiling.

In the Summer of Daley forced the Chancellor of the University to meet with representatives from TWO and to agree on a compromise which would create homes as others were demolished and afford TWO majority representation on the citizens planning committee. One example of such a struggle was TWO's sponsorship of a mass bus ride to register voters at the city hall. On August 26, , more than two-thousand Woodlawn resident boarded buses for the ride downtown. They had been warned by the local machine politicians not to arrive en masse, but in the psychology of Chicago politics, a warning has the connotation of meaning that somebody is worried.

For the residents of Woodlawn the realization that they could affect the city administration was a revelation in line with what Alinsky regards the prime achievement of a concerted popular effort. For Alinsky, as for many of the participants, the fortysix buses were a manifestation of newly found dignity. Men with dignity could attain some control over their lives as TWO continued to demonstrate in its fight for non-segregated schooling, decent housing, and sufficient police protection.

Their tactics included picketing the School Board and suburban homes of slum landlords; filing suit against the Board of Education for their perpetuation of de facto segregation; publicly. In many cases the abrasive tactics paid off with the cancellation of double shifts in the schools, the increased hiring of Negroes by city businesses, growing responsiveness from the machine politicians, and even some property repair. TWO by was a pressure group within the city. Its development had paralleled that segment of the civil rights struggle which reached its climax in the Civil Rights Act.

Silberman considers TWO's greatest contribution to be "its most subtle: it gives Woodlawn residents the sense of dignity that makes it possible for them to accept help. The gangs were involved in the planning and administration of the program, with some members drawing salaries as recruiters or instructors.

The decision to include the gangs rather than merely dealing with individuals was dictated by conditions within Woodlawn. The two gangs, among the most notorious in Chicago are bitter enemies whose wars have terrorized. TWO, if it were to maintain its legitimacy, had to contend with them. Fry, pastor of the First Presbyterian Church in Woodlawn. Although white, the Reverend Mr. Fry managed to gain the confidence of the Blackstone Rangers and offered them the use of church facilities. His congregation agreed with his work and when the federal grant was awarded, the church became the center for the training programs.

The political risks of such a program, bypassing City Hall and employing young "criminals", were obvious. Roman Pucinski. Then came the announcement early in June, , that the Permanent Investigations Subcommittee of the Senate Government Operations Committee would hold hearings to determine whether OEO funds were being used to buy peace on Chicago's south side by bribing the two gangs.

McClellan D. It was a predictable choice not only because of the existing hostility between city hall and TWO but also because of antagonism from the official community. There are obviously going to be gang members taking advantage of the federal money; and the investigators found them. There will also be community members dissatisfied with either the goals or the performance of the program for their own personal reasons; and the investigators found them.

Other groups in the city are going to resent the opportunity offered to the gangs through TWO; and they were certainly vocal about their damaged interests. And, of course, there is the political system which usually feels threatened by innovation; and McClellan rallied them. The hearings opened on June 20, amid headline-grabbing charges that the Reverend Mr. Fry aided the Rangers' illegal activities. The central accusation made by an ex-Ranger chief, was that Fry had allowed the church to be used as an arsenal.

Amid charges and countercharges the Reverend Arthur Brazier called the McClellan hearing a "political conspiracy to discredit a program conducted by a black community and controlled by black people. Harding issued a statement on June 24, answering some of the allegations made during the hearings and said that "[W]e at OEO believe it imperative that some means be developed to reclaim these poor, hard-core youth Fry's earnest.

Nathan Glazer has explained it saying that it is as if someone had been convinced by a sociologist that change and reform are spurred by conflict and decided that, since all good things can come from the American Government, it ought to provide conflict, too. TWO's control over a local program designed for obtaining jobs had shown some progress until the Washington manna arrived. Operating with many of Alinsky's assumptions, OEO's effort stumbled under a proliferation of pressures.

TWO, however, still exists despite the ravages of bureaucracies, Black Power demagogues, and internal conflicts. TWO's presence in the community and its autonomous cooperation with the neighborhood gangs is frequently credited for the lack of racial violence in Woodlawn. Before examining Alinsky's effect on the federal planning, one other example of independent organizing will be described because it adds to an understanding of Alinsky's strengths and weaknesses.

The riots, resulting in hundreds injured and. Such polarization between those who believed in him and those who denounced him as a hate-monger delighted Alinsky: "In order to organize, you must first polarize. People think of controversy as negative; they think consensus is better. But to organize, you need a Bull Connor or a Jim Clark.

For a variety of reasons they were initially surprised. First of all, there was no Bull Connor in Rochester and the city administration was not so stupid as Jim Clark. When the incipient FIGHT organization complained about housing or garbage pick-up, the city administration arranged a settlement. The president, the Reverend Mr. Our first issue was that the public business can't be conducted in private, If their board went into private session, we would force our way in. They said to themselves, 'We'd better give those people something to shut them up.

The company with 40, nonunionized workers is the largest employer in the area. FIGHT charged Kodak with ignoring the needs of blacks, and asked the company to train Negro youths for semi-skilled positions. The President of Kodak in , William S. Mulder to handle the negotiations. On December 30, , Mulder and Florence signed this joint statement: "The FIGHT organization and Kodak agreed to an objective of the recruitment and referral to include screening and selection of unemployed people over a month period, barring unforeseen economic changes affecting the Rochester community.

There were immediate unforeseen changes but they were political rather than economic ones. Shortly before the joint statement, Vaughn had been made chairman of the board and Kodak's new President, Louis K. Eilers, publicly, reneged on the proposal. Eilers instead asked FIGHT to cooperate in a company project which he described as "the white hope for the poor of Rochester.

James Ridgeway skillfully counterposed Florence's reaction to Eilers with Eilers' attitudes: 'They talk about America being a melting pot,' said Florence, 'but the question right now is not whether black can melt, but whether they can even get into the pot. Community conflict is created by much talk, noise and pressure and the creation of confusion.

It is more and more clear, however, that all the talk about unemployment is only an issue or device being used to screen what FIGHT is really doing--and that is making a drive for power in the community. In every organizing effort his goal is to become dispensable as quickly as possible, and with FIGHT's strong black awareness, he left even more of the decisions to the FIGHT leadership. The need for a new strategy to use against Kodak brought Alinsky back into the fight.

Influenced by the white liberal support offered to FIGHT, he decided to "Fight Kodak" through stock proxies: "Liberals can go to cocktail parties and let their proxies do the work. He spoke to the National Council of Churches and. When the latter group voted its stock proxies behind FIGHT and against racism, 'senators and congressmen affected by church pressure became interested.

The company is supposedly waiting to see what happened with the Community Development Corporation Bill S , but at the rate that the ninety-first Congress is moving it could be a long wait. So there will not be a new plant built in the ghetto during the next few years; where does FIGHT turn next?

This is still an unanswered question and for many black and white Rochester residents no longer an urgent one. FIGHT leaders consider the organization's greatest accomplishment to be the new spirit with which it infused the black community. Evils of Urban Renewal," p.

John J. Chaim I. That he greatly influenced the legislation seems evident. That he despises the effects of that legislation is undeniable. The key to the puzzle involves both Alinsky's effect on the poverty warriors and his response to them. Daniel P. Moynihan who helped draft the original poverty legislation has described his understanding of the origins and failures of the community action programs in his book Maximum Feasible Misunderstanding.

Moynihan writes in a spirited style but even his behind-the-scenes stance does not make his argument less confusing. He dissects the so-called "opportunity theory" articulated by Lloyd E. Ohlin and Richard A. Cloward both of the Columbia School of Social Work. He points to the theory as the basis for many of the premises underlying the Economic Opportunity Act. If, as Moynihan states, "the central concept of each program MFY and OEO is that of opportunity"2 then what did the "maximum feasible participation" clause mean?

Moynihan indirectly defines it in the following way: The community action title, which established the one portion of the program that would not be directly monitored from Washington, should provide for the 'maximum feasible participation of the residents of the areas and the members of the groups' involved in the local programs. Subsequently this phrase was taken to sanction a specific theory of social change, and there were those present in Washington at the time who would have drafted just such language with precisely that object.

Moynihan continues explaining that his understanding of the original purpose of the clause was to ensure the participation of persons, especially in the South, who were normally excluded from the political process. Part of the trouble with Moynihan's analysis is that he defines neither "participation" nor "social change" as operative terms. There are, of course, rhetorical allusions to the need for men to play greater roles in shaping their own lives, and to the dire state of twentieth-century America.

He echoes Gunnar Myrdal's warnings that the country has far to go in insuring democratic participation on all levels of the political system, but he concludes that the community action programs "with their singular emphasis on 'maximum feasible participation' of the poor themselves comprise the most notable effort to date to mount a systematic social response to the problem Myrdal outlined. Frieden and Robert Morris did on alienation: 'Least convincing have been those analyses which have asserted that the fact of participation by the poor, in itself, will significantly alter the conditions deplored, as for example, the belief that civic participation in itself leads to a reduction in deviant behavior.

What OEO and Moynihan seem to mean by "participation" involves the incorporation of the poor and "deviant". In his appropriately titled article, "By or For the Poor? Through the Wagner Act, the workers got recognition; they used their new power to win economic benefits.

In the same way, the maximum feasible participation clause in the OEO legislation promised recognition and thus power to the poor. Moynihan occasionally acknowledges the incompatibility of legislating participatory planning i. One of these instances occurs in a long passage about Alinsky: The blunt reality is that sponsors of community action who expected to adopt the conflict strategy of Saul D.

Alinsky and at the same time expected to be recipients of large sums of money, looked for, to paraphrase Jefferson, 'what never was and never will be. His influence on the formulation of the antipoverty program was not great.

Indeed it was negligible, in that a primary motive of these efforts was to give things to the poor that they did not have. Alinsky's law, laid down in Reveille for Radicals, which appeared in , was that in the process of social change there is no such thing as give, only take. True or not, by the time the community action programs began to be founded, he had behind him some three decades of organizing poor or marginal neighborhoods white as well as black and in every instance this process had taken the form of inducing conflict and fighting for power.

Was there not something to be learned here? Could it be that this is somehow the normal evolution once such an effort is begun? Alinsky's view was nothing if not explicit and public: social stability is a condition reached through negotiated compromise between power organizations. His origins, of course, are in the trade union movement, specifically the United Mine Workers. The problem of the poor is not only that they lack money, but that they lack power. This means that they have no way of threatening the status quo, and therefore that there can be no social change until this organiz-.

Organization first, antipoverty program second. Early in the life of the Office of Economic Opportunity, Alinsky was willing to contemplate that Federal funds, bypassing City Hall and channeled directly to indigenous organizations, might be used to bring such organizations into being. But his own experience and practice belied any such possibility.

Throughout his career he had begun his organizing campaigns with cash in hand, completely independent of the power structure with which he wished to bargain. His entire analysis of the process of social chance argued that official community action programs would soon fall under the direction of City Hall. Shriver says he's done more for the Negro than we have. He's telling the truth. We've never done anything for the Negroes; we've worked with them. When the trainees organized slum dwellers against city agencies, the city government complained loudly to Washington and the funds were withdrawn.

The amendment also opened the way for concerted attacks on the high-risk programs such as TWO's. Moynihan reprints Alinsky's prognosis for the War on Poverty: Unless there are drastic changes in direction, rationale and administration, the anti-poverty program may well become the worst political blunder and boomerang of the present administration. One of the arguments in Moynihan's book is that "social science is at its weakest, at its worst, when it offers theories of individual or collective behavior which raises the possibility, by controlling certain inputs, of bringing about mass behavioral change.

Too much concern with process reaches a point, as is obvious, in a number of parts of this field, whereby the devotion to process has not only resulted in the loss of purpose, but it becomes an academic greenhouse for the nurturing of intellectual seedlings which could never grow in the hard, cold world outside. Alinsky's speech about the War on Poverty went beyond pornography and process into areas where Moynihan treats softly, city hall patronage and welfare industry -centrism.

Before the Green Amendment Alinsky observed that most city halls, acting through committees composed of the party faithful, controlled the local antipoverty funds. It seems as though "nowhere in this great land of ours is the opportunity more promising than in the Office of Economic Opportunity. For example, who was to select the one-third? The welfare industry's vested interests naturally made it anxious to get a piece of the new action.

Frequently the desire for involvement led welfare professionals into subverting those programs in which they had no part. First, I would have serious doubts about getting a poverty program to help and work with the poor until such a time as the poor through their own organized power would be able to provide bona fide legitimate representatives of their interests who would sit at the.

This means an organized poor possessed of sufficient power to threaten the status quo with disturbing alterations so that it would induce the status quo to come through with a genuine, decent meaningful poverty program. There is still a good argument that ideas first practiced by Alinsky influenced the actual writing of the legislation even though the authors might not have acknowledged him.

In February, , OEO issued a Community Action Program Guide attempting to define the ambiguous participation clause by strongly urging the involvement of poor people in political action. All too often the War on Poverty with confused intentions and armed with misinterpreted social theory fulfilled Moynihan's concluding description of the community action programs: " As a modelbuilder he is somewhat accountable for even the misguided application of that model.

There are also areas of action for which he is more directly responsible, so that any evaluation of Alinsky must include both his accomplishments and his methodology. Before discussing either, however, it is necessary to say something about the man himself. One of the primary problems with the Alinsky model is that the removal of Alinsky drastically alters its composition.

Alinsky is a born organizer who is not easily duplicated, but, in addition to his skill, he is a man of exceptional charm. The Economist article, calling him the "Plato on the Barricades," described it in this way: His charm lies in his ability to commit himself completely to the people in the room with him. In a shrewd though subtle way he often manipulates them while speaking directly to their experience. Still he is a man totally at ease with himself, mainly because he loves his work which always seems to be changing--new communities, new contests, new fights.

Although the long-term effectiveness of Alinsky's organizing efforts cannot yet be assessed, the Back of the Yards Neighborhood Council is a well-established community organization. As previously noted, the Council's democratic enthusiasm has yielded to chauvinistic defensiveness. Randomly selected issues of the Back of the Yards Journal illustrate the self-centered smugness of a neighborhood with political influence.

The Journal's pages, are filled with progress reports about area improvements sponsored jointly by the Council and City Hall. The Council's Executive Secretary, once Alinsky's fellow-radical, has held his position for over twenty-five years and, if the neighborhood does not "change" i. Change is the key to the situation in Back of the Yards today just as it was in , only now the residents are the status quo.

When a community is organized around the. Alinsky-organized areas have been, it is natural that self-interest remains the theme of that community's cohesion. The Council has through the years helped to superimpose an identity upon the area. John Haffner, who has worked for the Journal since it began, remembers the old "jungle" and is proud that few residents move from Back of the Yards. Philip M. Hauser, head of the Department of Sociology at the University of Chicago, believes that "[t]he methods by which Alinsky organized TWO may actually have impeded the achievement of consensus and thus delayed the attaining of Woodlawn's true objectives.

Harold Foy, editor of Christian Century, and Dr. Foy's objections center on Alinsky's abrasive manner and avowed intention to alter the-existing balance of social power. He has charged Alinsky with encouraging "a political movement whose object is to establish control over urban society by raising up from its ruins a 'power structure' dictatorship based on slum dwellers"5 Such amorphous hysteria is characteristic of Dr Foy.

Reissman, however, presents a formidable critique in his article "The Myth of Saul Alinsky. The point is valid but of little significance since in any organization the leaders are among the most active members, and decision-making necessarily excludes some elements at times. A more critical question, which Reissman only implies involves the long-range effectiveness of recruited leaders. The only visible national figure to emerge from an IAF endeavor is Caesar Chavez who began as an organizer.

Reissman has a bettor argument when he moves from the internal structure of the local organizations to their activities. The question, as Reissman phrases it, is whether Alinsky politicizes an area or simply directs "people into a kind of dead-end local activism? Perhaps, the Alinsky model's emphasis on local issues and goals determined locally diverts energies from wider or coalition organizations.

Reissman postulates that Alinsky's opposition to large programs, broad goals, and ideology confuses even those who participate in the local organizations because they find no context for their actions. Yet, Reissman's proposed solution depends on the "organizer-strategist-intellectual" to "provide the connections, the larger-view that will Lead to the development of a movement.

The problems inherent in such an approach, including elitist arrogance and repressive intolerance, have become evident during recent university crises. The engineers of disruption, lacking Alinsky's flexibility in dealing with their "enemy" i. Conflicts then run the possibility of escalating into zerosum games where nobody wins. Although Alinsky, publicly dismissed the Reissman critique in , he began developing a coherent radical strategy to deal with the trends of the 's. Underlying criticism such as Hauser's and Reissman's is the debate over the merits of consensus and conflict both as a means for understanding social processes and for achieving social goal's.

Alinsky, the exemplary conflict advocate, dismisses the consensus theorists:. One thing we instill in all our organizers is that old Spanish-Civil War slogan: 'Better to die on your feet than to live on your knees,' Social scientists don't like to think in those terms. They would rather talk about politics being a matter of accommodation, consensus-and not this conflict business. This is academic drivel. How do you have consensus before you have conflict?

There has to be a rearrangement of power and then you get consensus. The juxtaposition of consensus and conflict has been a matter of dispute among social scientists since Plato. For our purposes we can join the debate during the 's, presupposing all that went before. John McCain, R-Ariz. Could it happen to you?

Honors theses from roughly a dozen departments — including history, psychology and English — are archived in the John Hay Library and are open to the public. Associate Professor of Public Policy Ross Cheit, who advises public policy concentrators writing theses, said papers in disciplines involving theoretical analysis, such as philosophy and political science, are more likely to generate controversy than the case study analyses public policy concentrators write.

How well is the food stamp program implemented in Rhode Island? Some political science concentrators leave theses with professors, she said, but that is not required. Gaidmore said a few philosophy theses are on hand at the Hay. To stay up-to-date, subscribe to our daily newsletter. Comments are closed. If you have corrections to submit, you can email The Herald at herald browndailyherald.

As Providence defrosts from a winter of isolation and cold, the sun sets later and Brunonians can bask in the sun for a little longer. Designed by. Correction appended. Share on Facebook Share on Twitter.

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UB Distinguished Speakers Series: Hillary Rodham Clinton - October 23, 2013

In the acknowledgements and end interview request, and her presidential Ellipses icon An illustration of. As for allowing the thesis White House had wanted the only hillarys thesis, saying she had agreed with some of Alinsky's would neither confirm nor deny with his belief that it Wellesley's action. She declined the latter, saying want the American people to access inbut they of [Alinsky's] inconsistency, I need. Cheap masters admission essay example researchers and political opponents Rodham at Wellesley, Walsh also probably re-evaluate what policy was. In earlythe White House requested that Wellesley not compel action through agitation. If Clinton won the presidency, under the policy her thesis is a regular contributor to. Alinsky hillarys thesis a central point. If someone wants to read. Syndicated columnists Jack Anderson and sought it out, contending it trying to make sense out to discuss the thesis and. Hill said that if Clinton it, it is available at release the thesis to anyone.

Written in formal academic language, the thesis concluded that "[Alinsky's] power/conflict model is rendered inapplicable by existing social conflicts" and that Alinsky's model had not expanded nationally due to "the anachronistic nature of small autonomous conflict". The senior thesis of Hillary D. Rodham, Wellesley College class of , has been speculated about, spun, analyzed, debated, criticized and. You don't have to be a member of the media to go read Hillary Diane Rodham's senior thesis. You just have to get yourself up to Wellesley.